| | 田制上: |
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| | 田制上: |
穀者,人之司命也;地者,穀之所生也;人者,君之所治也。有其穀則國用備,辨其地則人食足,察其人則徭役均。知此三者,謂之治政。夫地載而不棄也,一著而不遷也,安固而不動,則莫不生殖。聖人因之設井邑,列比閭,使察黎民之數,賦役之制,昭然可見也。自秦孝公用商鞅計,乃隳經界,立阡陌。雖獲一時之利,而兼并踰僭興矣。降秦以後,阡陌既弊,又為隱覈,隱覈在乎權宜,權宜憑乎簿書。簿書既廣,必藉眾功,藉眾功則政由群吏,政由群吏則人無所信矣。夫行不信之法,委政於眾多之胥,欲紀人事之眾寡,明地利之多少,雖申商督刑,撓首總算,亦不可得而詳矣。不變斯道而求理者,未之有也。夫春秋之義,諸侯不得專封,大夫不得專地。若使豪人占田過制,富等公侯,是專封也;賣買由己,是專地也。欲無流粵,不亦難乎! |
| | Grain is the sustainer of human life; The land is where grain grows; People are those governed by the ruler. Having sufficient grain ensures that the state's needs are met, distinguishing the land ensures people have enough food, and understanding the people ensures equitable distribution of labor duties. Understanding these three aspects is called good governance. The land bears without rejection, remains in one place without moving, and stays stable without shifting; thus, nothing fails to reproduce. Sages established wells and towns accordingly, arranged neighborhoods in order, so as to understand the number of common people and the system of taxation and labor duties, making them clearly visible. Since Duke Xiao of Qin employed Shang Yang's strategy, he abolished the traditional land boundaries and established new field divisions (qianmo). Although this brought temporary benefits, it led to the rise of land consolidation and overstepping of proper bounds. After the fall of Qin, the qianmo system became corrupt, and concealment and verification arose. Concealment and verification depend on expedience, and expedience relies on written records. As written records became extensive, they necessarily relied on the efforts of many officials; relying on the efforts of many officials means governance is in the hands of the crowd, and when governance lies with the crowd, people lose trust. To implement laws that lack credibility and entrust governance to numerous clerks, hoping to record the number of people or clarify the extent of land benefits—although one may enforce strict punishments as Shang Yang did or personally oversee calculations—such details cannot be accurately obtained. Without changing this method and seeking order, there has never been such a case. The principle of the Spring and Autumn Annals is that feudal lords may not unilaterally confer fiefs, and ministers may not exclusively control land. If wealthy individuals occupy farmland beyond the prescribed limits and attain wealth equal to that of marquises or dukes, this is equivalent to unilaterally conferring fiefs; Allowing land transactions at one's own discretion is equivalent to exclusively controlling land. To avoid the drifting of people and resources, would it not be difficult!
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| | 田制上: |
陶唐以前,法制簡略,不可得而詳也。及堯遭洪水,天下分絕,使禹平水土,別九州,冀州,厥土惟白壤,厥田惟中中。兗州,厥土黑墳,厥田惟中下。青州,厥土白墳,厥田惟上下。徐州,厥土赤埴墳,厥田惟上中。揚州,厥土惟塗泥,厥田惟下下。荊州,厥土惟塗泥,厥田惟下中。荊河豫州,厥土惟壤,下土墳壚,厥田惟中上。梁州,厥土青黎,厥田惟下上。雍州,厥土惟黃壤,厥田惟上上。九州之地,定墾者九百一十萬八千二十頃。虞夏殷三代凡千餘載,其閒定墾,書冊不存,無以詳焉。 |
| | Before the time of Taotang, laws and systems were simple and rudimentary; their details cannot now be ascertained. When Yao encountered the great flood, the world was divided and isolated; he sent Yu to pacify the waters and soil, distinguishing the Nine Provinces. Jizhou—its soil is white loam, Its farmland ranks as medium-medium. Yanzhou—its soil is black and raised, Its farmland ranks as medium-low. Qingzhou—its soil is white and raised; its farmland ranks as upper-lower. Xuzhou—its soil is red, sticky, and raised, Its farmland ranks as upper-medium. Yangzhou—its soil is muddy, Its farmland ranks as lower-lower. Jingzhou—its soil is muddy; its farmland ranks as lower-medium. Jing, He, and Yuzhou—its soil is loam; the lower land is raised and clayey. Its farmland ranks as medium-upper. Liangzhou—its soil is qingli, Its farmland ranks as lower-upper. Yongzhou—its soil is yellow loam; its farmland ranks as highest-highest. The land of the Nine Provinces, when measured and cultivated, totals nine million one hundred ten thousand eight hundred twenty mu. During the more than a thousand years of the three dynasties, You, Xia, and Yin, records of measured and cultivated land were lost; there is no way to know the details.
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| | 田制上: |
周文王在岐,用平土之法,以為治人之道,地著為本,故建司馬法:「六尺為步,步百為畝,畝百為夫,夫三為屋,屋三為井,井十為通,通十為成,成十為終,終十為同,同方百里,同十為封,封十為畿,畿方千里。故丘有戎馬一匹,牛三頭,甸有戎馬四匹,兵車一乘,牛十二頭,甲士三人,步卒七十二人。一同百里,提封萬井,戎馬四百匹,車百乘,此卿大夫釆地之大者,是謂百乘之家。一封三百六十六里,提封十萬井,定出賦六萬四千井,戎馬四千匹,車千乘,此諸侯之大者,謂之千乘之國。天子之畿內,方千里,提封百萬井,定出賦六十四萬井,戎馬四萬匹,兵車萬乘,戎卒七十二萬人,故曰萬乘之主。」小司徒之職,「乃均土地以稽其人民,而周知其數。上地家七人,可任也者家三人。中地家六人,可任也者二家五人。下地家五人,可任也者家二人。乃經土地,而井牧其田野。九夫為井,四井為邑,四邑為丘,四丘為甸,四甸為縣,四縣為都,以任地事而令貢賦,凡稅斂之事。」任土之法,以物地事,授地職,而待其政令。以廛里任國中之地,以場圃任園地,以宅田、士田、賈田任近郊之地,以官田、牛田、賞田、牧田任遠郊之地,以公邑之田任甸地,以家邑之田任稍地,以小都之田任縣地,以大都之田任疆地。民受田,上田夫百畝,中田夫二百畝,下田夫三百畝。歲耕種者為不易上田,休一歲者為一易中田,休二歲者為再易下田,三歲更耕之,自爰其處。農民戶人已受田,其家眾男為餘夫,亦以口受田如比。士工商家受田,五口乃當農夫一人。此謂平土可以為法者也。若山林藪澤原陵淳鹵之地,各以肥磽多少為差。民年二十受田,六十歸田。七十以上,上所養也;十歲以下,上所長也;十一以上,上所強也。 |
| | King Wen of Zhou was in Qi, he employed the method of leveling land as a way to govern people, regarding settled land as fundamental; Therefore, the Code of Sima was established: "Six chi make one bu; 100 bu make one mu; 100 mu make one fu; three fu make one wu; three wu make one jing (well-field); ten jing make one tong; ten tong make one cheng; ten cheng make one zhong; ten zhong make one tongs; a square hundred li is called 'tong'; ten tongs make one feng; ten feng make one ji, which spans a thousand li in each direction. Therefore, one qiu provides one war horse and three oxen; one dian provides four war horses, one chariot, twelve oxen, three armored soldiers, and seventy-two infantrymen. One tongs spans a hundred li, encompassing ten thousand jing; it provides 400 war horses and one hundred chariots. This is the largest fief of an elite official or minister, known as a "family with a hundred chariots." One feng spans 366 li, encompassing one hundred thousand jing; the fixed tax yield is sixty-four thousand jing, providing four thousand war horses and a thousand chariots. This represents the largest feudal lords, known as "a state with a thousand chariots." Within the Son of Heaven's ji, spanning a thousand li in each direction, encompassing one million jing; the fixed tax yields sixty-four thousand jing. It provides forty thousand war horses, ten thousand chariots, and seventy-two thousand soldiers. Hence it is said to be "a ruler with ten thousand chariots." The duties of the Xiao Sutu were: "To evenly distribute land to examine its population and fully know their numbers. For high-quality land, a household of seven people can be supported; three members are capable of fulfilling duties. For medium land, a household of six people can be supported; two households with five each may fulfill duties. For low-quality land, a household of five people can be supported; only two members are capable of fulfilling duties." They then measured the land and established fields and pastures for farming. Nine fu make one jing, four jing make one yi, four yi make one qiu, four qiu make one dian, four dian make one xian, and four xian make one du. This system was used to manage land affairs, assign taxes, and regulate levies." The system of "ren tu" (land-based responsibilities) assigns land duties according to the nature of the terrain, grants land-related roles, and awaits administrative orders. Assign urban plots (chanli) for land within the capital; assign fields and orchards (changpu) for garden lands; allocate residential fields, scholar-official fields, and merchant fields for nearby suburbs; designate official fields, oxen fields, reward fields, and pasture fields for distant suburbs; assign public fief fields to dian areas; assign private fief fields to shao areas; allocate small capital fields to xian regions; and assign large capital fields to jiang territories. Commoners receiving land: for high-quality fields, one man receives 100 mu; for medium-quality fields, 200 mu; and for low-quality fields, 300 mu. Fields cultivated every year are called "bubian shangtian" (unrotated high-quality fields); those left fallow for one year are "yiyi zhongtian" (once-rotated medium-quality fields); and those left fallow for two years are "zaie yi xiatian" (twice-rotated low-quality fields). These three types of land are rotated every three years, with the people cultivating them in their respective locations. Once a peasant household has received land, any additional male members in the family are considered "yu fu" (extra men), and they also receive land according to their number. Scholars, officials, and merchants receive land such that five people in their households are equivalent to one farming household. This refers to level land that can be used as a standard for regulation. If the land consists of mountains, forests, marshes, lakes, highlands, or saline wastelands, The allocation of land should vary according to the degree of fertility or barrenness. Commoners begin receiving land at the age of twenty and return it at sixty. Those over seventy are supported by the state; those under ten are nurtured by the state; and those eleven and above are required to serve the state.
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| | 田制上: |
孟子曰:「夫仁政必自經界始。經界不正,井地不均,穀祿不平,是故暴君污吏必慢其經界。經界既正,分田制祿可坐而定也。」 |
| | Mencius said: "The practice of benevolent governance must begin with establishing clear land boundaries. If the boundaries are not properly established, fields will be unevenly distributed and grain rations unjust; therefore, tyrannical rulers and corrupt officials must necessarily neglect or distort these land boundaries. Once the boundaries are properly established, the allocation of fields and stipends can be easily determined."
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| | 田制上: |
秦孝公任商鞅,鞅以三晉地狹人貧,秦地廣人寡,故草不盡墾,地利不盡出。於是誘三晉之人,利其田宅,復三代無知兵事,而務本於內,而使秦人應敵於外。故廢井田,制阡陌,任其所耕,不限多少。數年之閒,國富兵強,天下無敵。 |
| | King Xiao of Qin appointed Shang Yang, who believed that the three Jin states had narrow land and poor people. The land of Qin was vast but its population sparse, so not all grasslands were cultivated and the potential benefits of the land were not fully realized. Therefore, he lured people from the three Jin states by offering them land and housing benefits, exempting them from military service for three generations so they could focus on agriculture internally while allowing Qin people to deal with external warfare. Thus, the well-field system was abolished; qianmo (field boundaries) were established, and individuals were allowed to cultivate whatever land they wished without limits on quantity. Within a few years, the state became wealthy and its military strong, making it invincible in the world.
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| | 田制上: |
漢孝文時,民近戰國,皆多背本趨末。賈誼說上曰:「古之治天下,至孅至悉,故其畜積足恃。今背本而趨末,遊食者甚眾,是天下之大殘也。漢之為漢,幾四十年矣,公私之積,猶可哀痛。即不幸有方二三千里之旱,國胡以相恤?卒然邊境有急,數十萬之眾,國胡以餽之?兵旱相乘,天下大屈。今敺人而歸之農,皆著於本,使天下各食其力,末伎遊食之民轉而緣南畝,則畜積足而人樂其所矣。」帝感誼言,始開籍田,躬耕以勸百姓。 |
| | During the reign of Emperor Wen of Han, the people, living close to the Warring States era, mostly abandoned agriculture for commerce and other non-essential pursuits. Jia Yi advised the emperor: "In ancient times, those who governed the world were extremely meticulous and thorough; therefore, their reserves of resources were sufficient to rely upon. "Nowadays, people abandon agriculture for commerce, and there are many idlers who do not work; this is a great disaster for the world. The Han dynasty has ruled as the Han for nearly forty years. Both public and private reserves are still pitiable and cause sorrow. If an unfortunate drought were to occur over a region spanning two or three thousand li, how could the state provide relief? Should there suddenly be an emergency at the border requiring hundreds of thousands of troops, where would the state find provisions to supply them? If military campaigns and droughts occur simultaneously, the entire world will suffer great hardship. Now, if we encourage people to return to agriculture and settle in their proper occupations, allowing all under heaven to sustain themselves through their own labor, then those engaged in commerce or idleness will turn instead toward farming. Only then will reserves be sufficient and people find joy in their place." The emperor was moved by Jia Yi's words, and began to establish a jutian (imperial demonstration field), personally tilling the soil in order to encourage the common people.
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| | 田制上: |
詔曰:「夫度田非益寡,而計民未加益,以口量地,其於古猶有餘,而食之甚不足者,其咎安在?無乃百姓之從事於末以害農者蕃,為酒醪以靡穀者多,六畜之食焉者眾與?細大之義,吾未能得其中。其與丞相列侯吏二千石博士議之,有可以佐百姓者,率意遠思,無有所隱也。」 |
| | The edict stated: "Measuring land does not increase or decrease its amount, and calculating the population has not increased it; Yet when land is allocated according to population, there remains more than enough compared to ancient times, yet food is still insufficient—where lies the fault? Is it not because an increasing number of commoners are engaged in commerce and handicrafts, harming agriculture? There are many who produce wine to waste grain; Or is it because many grains are consumed by the feed for livestock? As to whether this issue lies in minor or major causes, I have yet to determine its core. Therefore, I order the prime minister, marquises, officials of the rank of two thousand dou, and scholars to deliberate on this matter. If there are any measures that can assist the common people, they should offer their sincere thoughts and distant considerations without concealing anything."
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| | 田制上: |
晁錯復說上曰:「聖王在上而民不凍飢者,非能耕而食之,織而衣之,為開其資財之道也。故堯禹有九年之水,湯有七年之旱,而國亡捐瘠者,以畜積多而備先具也。今海內為一,土地人民之眾不避湯、禹,加以亡天災數年之水旱,而畜積未及者,何也?地有遺利,民有餘力,生穀之土未盡墾,山澤之利未盡出也,遊食之民未盡歸農也。民貧則姦邪生,貧生於不足,不足生於不農,不農則不地著,不地著則離鄉輕家。民如鳥獸,雖有高城深池,嚴法重刑,猶不能禁也。夫寒之於衣,不待輕暖;飢之於食,不待甘旨;飢寒至身,不顧廉恥。夫腹飢不得食,膚寒不得衣,雖慈父不能保其子,君安能以有其民哉!明主知其然也,故務民於農桑,薄賦斂,廣畜積,以實倉廩,備水旱,故民可得而有也。是故明君貴五穀而賤金玉。今農夫五口之家,其服役者不下二人,其能耕者不過百畝,百畝之收不過百石。春耕夏耘,秋穫冬藏,伐薪樵,治官府,給徭役。春不得避風塵,夏不得避暑熱,秋不得避陰雨,冬不得避寒凍,四時之閒亡日休息。又私自送往迎來,弔死問疾,養孤長幼在其中。勤苦如此,尚復被水旱之災,急政暴賦,賦斂不時,朝令而暮改。當具有者半價而賣,亡者取倍稱之息,於是有賣田宅、鬻子孫以償責者矣。方今之務,莫若使民務農而已矣。欲民務農,在於貴粟;貴粟之道,在於使民以粟為賞罰。」帝從之。其後務敦農本,倉廩充實。 |
| | Chao Cuo again advised the emperor: "Under a sage ruler, the people do not suffer from cold or hunger—not because the ruler personally cultivates to feed them or weaves cloth for their clothing; It is because he opens up ways for people to generate wealth and resources. Thus, during Yao and Yu's time there was a nine-year flood, and during Tang's reign there was a seven-year drought, yet the state had no people who were abandoned or perished from starvation; This was because reserves of grain and resources were abundant, and preparations for such emergencies had already been made in advance. Now, the realm is unified; its land and population are no less than those of Tang or Yu. Moreover, there have been no years of droughts or floods caused by natural disasters, yet reserves remain insufficient—why is this so? This is because there are still untapped benefits in the land, and people have remaining strength that has not been fully utilized. Fertile fields remain uncultivated; the resources of mountains and lakes remain unexploited; and idlers who do not contribute to agriculture have yet to return to farming. When the people are poor, immorality and lawlessness arise. Poverty stems from insufficiency; insufficiency arises from not engaging in agriculture; when one does not farm, they do not become rooted to the land; without being rooted to the land, they abandon their hometowns and undervalue their families. When people behave like birds and beasts, even with high walls and deep moats, strict laws and severe punishments cannot prevent them. Regarding the need for clothing to keep warm in cold weather, people do not wait for it to be light or warm; Regarding the need for food to relieve hunger, people do not wait until it is delicious or refined; When hunger and cold afflict the body, people no longer care about integrity or shame. When one is starving and cannot eat, and their skin is cold without clothing, even a kind father cannot protect his child—how then can the ruler claim to possess his people! A wise ruler understands this, so he encourages the people to focus on farming and sericulture, reduces taxes and levies, increases reserves of grain, fills granaries, prepares for droughts and floods—thus ensuring that the people can be truly possessed by the state. Therefore, a wise ruler values grains highly but considers gold and jade to be of lesser worth. Nowadays, in a farming household with five people, at least two must serve as laborers; Those who can actually cultivate land do not farm more than one hundred mu, and the harvest from a hundred mu does not exceed one hundred dan. They till in spring, weed in summer, harvest in autumn, and store grain in winter; they cut firewood, serve government offices, and provide labor for corvée duties. In spring they cannot avoid wind and dust, in summer the heat, in autumn the rain, and in winter the cold. There is no day of rest throughout the four seasons. Additionally, they personally bear the costs of sending off travelers and welcoming them back, mourning the dead, visiting the sick, raising orphans, and caring for children—all these responsibilities fall upon them. Despite such hard labor, they still suffer from droughts and floods, oppressive policies, sudden taxes, arbitrary levies that are imposed without regularity, with orders changing from morning to night. When they must sell their possessions at half price; Those who have lost everything must repay loans with double the interest; Thus, there are those who sell their fields and homes or even sell their children and grandchildren to repay debts. At present, the most important task is nothing more than encouraging the people to focus on agriculture. To encourage the people to engage in farming lies in valuing grain; The way to value grain lies in making the people use grain as a basis for rewards and punishments." The emperor followed his advice. Afterward, the administration focused on reinforcing agriculture as the foundation, and granaries became well stocked.
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| | 田制上: |
孝景元年,制曰:「閒者歲比不登,民多乏食,夭絕天年,朕甚痛之。郡國或磽骥,無所農桑繫畜;或地饒廣,薦草莽,水泉利,而不得徙。其議民欲徙寬大地者,聽之。」後元三年,詔曰:「農,天下之本也。黃金珠玉,飢不可食,寒不可衣,以為幣用,不識其終始。閒歲或不登,意為末者眾,農民寡也。其令郡國務勸農桑,益種樹,可得衣食物。」 |
| | In the first year of Emperor Xiaojing's reign, an edict was issued: "Recently, harvests have been poor for several years in succession, and many people lack sufficient food. Premature deaths are occurring, which deeply pains me. Some commanderies and states suffer from barren land, with no means for farming, sericulture, or raising livestock; or some have vast tracts of land covered in dense grass and weeds; They have access to water sources and fertile land but are not allowed to relocate. "Those who wish to discuss allowing the people to move to more spacious lands should be heard." In the third year of Houyuan, an edict was issued: "Agriculture is the foundation of the empire. Gold and jade cannot be eaten when hungry or worn for warmth in cold, yet they are used as currency without understanding their beginning or end. In years of poor harvests, many people engage in trivial pursuits rather than farming, and there are few farmers. Therefore, I order all commanderies and states to encourage agriculture and sericulture, increase planting of trees, so that food and clothing may be obtained."
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| | 田制上: |
孝武外事四夷,內興功利,役費並興,而民去本。董仲舒說上曰:「春秋它穀不書,至於麥禾不成,則書之,以此見聖人於五穀最重麥與禾也。今關中俗不好種麥,是歲失春秋之所重,而損生民之具也。願陛下幸詔大司農,使關中民益種宿麥,令毋後時。」仲舒又說上曰:「秦用商鞅之法,改帝王之制,除井田,民得賣買,富者田連阡陌,貧者無立錐之地。漢興,循而未改。古井田法雖難卒行,宜少近古,限民名田,以贍不足,塞并兼之路,然後可善治也。」竟不能用。 |
| | Emperor Xiaowu engaged in external affairs with the four Yi peoples and internally promoted projects for profit, initiating both military campaigns and expenses, causing the people to abandon agriculture. Dong Zhongshu advised the emperor: "In the Spring and Autumn Annals, other grains are not recorded; only when wheat and millet fail to mature is it noted. From this we see that sages place the greatest emphasis on wheat and millet among all five grains. Now, in Guanzhong, the custom is not to grow wheat; this means missing what the Spring and Autumn Annals emphasize most, thus harming the people's livelihood. I hope Your Majesty will kindly issue an order to the Grand Administrator of Agriculture, instructing Guanzhong's people to plant more winter wheat and not miss the proper season." Dong Zhongshu also advised the emperor: "The Qin dynasty adopted Shang Yang's laws, altered the systems of emperors and kings, abolished the well-field system, allowing people to buy and sell land. The wealthy owned vast tracts of fields stretching for miles, while the poor had no place even to stick a cone." When the Han dynasty rose to power, it followed this system without making any changes. Although the ancient well-field system is difficult to implement suddenly, , it would be better to approach it somewhat. The state should limit how much land individuals may claim in order to support those who are insufficiently provided for; Block the path to land consolidation, and only then can good governance be achieved." In the end, it was not adopted.
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元狩三年,遣謁者勸有水災郡種宿麥,舉吏人能假貸貧人者以名聞。及末年,帝悔征伐之事,乃封丞相田千秋為富民侯。下詔曰:「方今之務,在於力農。」以趙過為搜粟都尉。過能為代田,一畝三甽,歲代處,故曰代田,古法也。后稷始甽田,以二耜為耦,廣尺深尺曰甽,長終畝。一畝三甽,一夫三百甽,而播種於甽中。苗生葉以上,稍耨隴草,因隤其土以附苗根。故其詩曰:「或芸或籽,黍稷儗儗。」芸,除草也。籽,附根也。言苗稍壯,每耨輒附根,比盛暑,隴盡而根深,能風與旱,故儗儗而盛也。其耕耘下種田器,皆有便巧。率十二夫為田一井一屋,故畝五頃,用耦犁,二牛三人,一歲之收常過縵田畝一斛以上,善者倍之。過使教田太常、三輔,大農置工巧奴與從事,為作田器。二千石遣令長、三老、力田及里父老善田者受田器,學耕種養苗狀。民或苦少牛,無以趨澤,故平都令光教過以人輓犁。過奏光以為丞,教民相與庸輓犁。率多人者田日三十畝,少者十三畝,以故田多墾闢。過試以離宮卒田其宮壖地,課得穀皆多其旁田畝一斛以上。令命家田三輔公田。又教邊郡及居延城。是後邊城、河東、弘農、三輔、太常民皆便代田,用力少而得穀多。至孝昭時,流民稍還,田野墾闢,頗有畜積。 |
| | In the third year of Yuanshou, envoys were sent to encourage commanderies affected by floods to plant winter wheat. Officials and commoners who could lend to the poor were requested to report their names for recognition. In his later years, the emperor regretted the wars and thus enfeoffed Chancellor Tian Qiu as Hou of Fumin. An edict was issued: "The most important task at present is to focus on agriculture." Zhao Guo was appointed as the Commander of Grain Collection. Guo was skilled in cultivating daitian, a method where one mu of land is divided into three gong; The fields were rotated each year, hence the name "daitian"; This was an ancient method. Laterji began the practice of gong tian, using two si as a pair; A gong one chi wide and one chi deep is called a gong, with its length extending the entire mu of land. One mu contains three gongs; one man cultivates 300 gongs, sowing seeds within them. Once the seedlings sprout and leaves appear, they gradually weed the grass from the ridges; They then loosen the soil and use it to cover the roots of the seedlings. Hence, the poem says: "Some weed and some sow; millet and grain sprout thickly." Yun means to remove weeds. Zi refers to attaching the soil around the roots. It means that as the seedlings grow stronger, after each weeding and hoeing, soil is added to reinforce their roots. By , the height of summer, when ridges are gone and roots have grown deep, they can withstand wind and drought; That is why they flourish so abundantly. All the farming tools for plowing, weeding, sowing, and cultivating were designed with convenience and efficiency in mind. Generally, twelve men cultivated one jing of land and one wu; thus, one mu equaled five qing. Using the coupled plow, two oxen and three people were employed; the annual harvest usually exceeded that of ordinary fields by more than one hu per mu. The most skilled could double the yield. Guo was ordered to teach farming techniques at Taichang and the Three Fu regions; The Grand Administrator of Agriculture established workshops staffed by skilled slaves and officials to manufacture farming tools. The two-thousand-dan officials sent magistrates, sanlao elders, farming officers, and village elders skilled in agriculture to receive the farming tools and learn techniques for plowing, planting, and nurturing seedlings. Some people found it difficult to obtain enough oxen, making it hard for them to reach the fields in time; Therefore, Guang, the magistrate of Pingdu, taught Guo how to use a plow pulled by people. Guo recommended Guang as an assistant, teaching people to work together in pulling plows. With more people working together, a day's farming could cover thirty mu; with fewer workers, thirteen mu. Because of this, much previously uncultivated land was brought into production. Guo tested the method by having palace attendants cultivate the land in the outer areas of the Lgong; The yield from the fields was more than one hu per mu compared to neighboring fields. An order was issued for families in the Three Fu region to cultivate public land. He also taught farming techniques in border commanderies and Juyan City. After this, people in Biancheng, Hedong, Hongnong, the Three Fu regions, and Taichang all found daitian convenient; it required less labor but yielded more grain. By the time of Emperor Xiaozhao, displaced people gradually returned to their homes; fields were cultivated and expanded, and there was a noticeable accumulation of resources.
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孝宣地節三年,詔曰:「郡國宮館,勿復修治。流民還歸者,假公田,貸種食。」 |
| | In the third year of Dijie reign period under Emperor Xiaoxuan, an edict was issued stating: "Palaces and pavilions in commanderies and kingdoms shall no longer be repaired or maintained. Those displaced people who return to their homes will be granted public land and provided with loans for seeds and food."
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孝元初元元年,以三輔、太常、郡國公田及苑可省者振業貧民,江海陂湖園池屬少府者以假貧民,勿租賦。建昭五年,詔曰:「方春農桑興,百姓戮力自盡之時也。故是月勞農勸桑,無使後時。今不良之吏,覆按小罪,徵召證按,興不急之事,以妨百姓,使失一時之作,亡終歲之功,公卿其明察申敕之。」 |
| | In the first year of Chuyuan reign period under Emperor Xiaoyuan, public land and enclosures in the Three Fu regions, Taichang, and commanderies and kingdoms that could be reduced were allocated to poor civilians for cultivation. Also, reservoirs, lakes, orchards, and ponds belonging to the Shaofu Office near rivers and seas were granted to poor people without requiring rent or taxes. In the fifth year of Jianzhao, an edict was issued: "Now is the season for spring farming and sericulture; it is a time when the people should exert themselves to their utmost. Therefore, during this month we must encourage farmers in agriculture and promote sericulture, so as not to delay the proper season. Now, some corrupt officials investigate minor offenses, summon witnesses and conduct interrogations for matters that are not urgent, thus hindering the people's work. This causes them to miss an entire season of labor and lose a year's worth of productivity. The Grand Commanders must clearly examine this matter and issue strict orders."
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孝成帝之時,張禹占鄭白之渠四百餘頃,他人兼并者類此,而人彌困。陽朔四年正月,詔曰:「夫洪範八政,以食為首,斯誠家給刑錯之本也。先帝劭農,薄其租稅,寵其強力,令與孝弟同科。閒者,民彌惰怠,鄉本者少,趨末者眾,將何以矯之?方東作時,其令二千石勉勸農桑,出入阡陌,致勞來之。書不云乎,『服田力嗇,乃亦有秋』。其勗之哉!」 |
| | During the reign of Emperor Xiaocheng, Zhang Yu occupied more than 400 qing of land along the Zhengbai Canal. Others similarly engaged in land consolidation like this, and as a result, people became increasingly impoverished. In the first month of the fourth year of Yangshuo, an edict was issued: "The eight policies in Hongfan emphasize food as the top priority; this is indeed the foundation for ensuring every household has enough and reducing criminal activity. The late emperor encouraged agriculture, reduced taxes and levies, honored those who worked hard, and decreed that they should be treated equally with filial sons and respectful younger brothers. Recently, the people have become increasingly idle; fewer are devoted to farming while more pursue trivial or unproductive pursuits. How can this be corrected? Now that it is the season for spring labor, I order all magistrates of the second thousand rank to encourage agriculture and sericulture diligently. They should travel among the fields and show concern for the people's efforts. Is it not written in the Book of Documents: "Diligently cultivating the land and working hard, then there will be a harvest"? Encourage them to do so!"
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孝哀即位,師丹輔政,建言:「古之聖王莫不設井田,然後治乃可平。孝文皇帝承亡周亂秦兵革之後,天下空虛,故務勸農桑,帥以節儉,民始充實,未有并兼之害,故不為民田及奴婢為限。今累世承平,豪富吏民訾數鉅萬,而貧弱逾困。蓋君子為政,貴因循而重改作,所以有改者,將以救急也。亦未可詳,宜略為限。」天子下其議。丞相孔光、大司空何武奏請:「諸侯王、列侯皆得名田國中。列侯在長安,公主名田縣道,及關內侯、吏民名田皆毋過三十頃。諸侯王奴婢二百人,列侯、公主百人,關內侯、吏民三十人。期盡三年,犯者沒入官。」時田宅奴婢賈為減賤,丁、傅用事,董賢隆貴,皆不便也。詔書且須後,遂寢不行。孝平元始元年,置大司農部丞十三人,人部一州,勸農桑。二年,定墾田八百二十七萬五百三十頃。蓋紀漢盛時之數。 |
| | After Emperor Xiaochai ascended the throne, Shi Dan assisted in governance and proposed: "Ancient sage kings all established the well-field system; only then could order be achieved. Emperor Xiaowen, following the collapse of the Zhou dynasty and the chaos after Qin's wars, found the world in a state of exhaustion. Therefore, he focused on encouraging agriculture and sericulture, leading by example with frugality. The people gradually became prosperous; there was no problem of land consolidation at that time, so limits were not imposed on private farmland or slaves. Now, after successive generations of peace, wealthy officials and civilians have accumulated assets in the tens of thousands, while the poor and weak grow increasingly impoverished. Indeed, when virtuous men govern, they value continuity and are cautious about making changes; any reforms undertaken must be to address urgent crises. But it is not yet possible to fully elaborate on this matter; we should first set some general limits." The emperor submitted the proposal for discussion. Chancellor Kong Guang and Grand Commandant He Wu presented a memorial requesting: "Princes, marquises, and other feudal lords may all be granted named farmland within their fiefs. Marquises residing in Chang'an, princesses granted named farmland in counties and roads, as well as officials of the rank of Guannei Hou and commoners, may not possess more than thirty qing of named farmland. Princes may own up to two hundred slaves; marquises and princesses, one hundred each; officials of the rank Guannei Hou and civilians, thirty each. This regulation must be fully implemented within three years; those who violate it will have their assets confiscated by the government." At that time, land, houses, and slaves were being undervalued. The families Ding and Fu held power, while Dong Xian was rising in influence; all of them found this regulation inconvenient. The imperial decree was postponed for the time being. It was eventually abandoned and not implemented. In the first year of Yuanshi reign period under Emperor Xiaoping, thirteen assistant ministers were appointed to the Grand Granary Office. Each was responsible for one province and tasked with encouraging agriculture and sericulture. In the second year, a total of 8,275,530 qing of cultivated land was officially recorded. This marked the highest figure for cultivated land during the Han dynasty's most prosperous era.
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王莽篡位,下令曰:「古者設井田,則國給人富而頌聲作。此唐虞之道,三代所遵行也。秦為無道,壞聖制,廢井田,是以兼并起,貪鄙生,強者規田以千數,弱者曾無立錐之居。」於是「更名天下田曰『王田』,奴婢曰『私屬』,皆不得買賣。其男口不盈八而田過一井者,分餘田與九族鄰里鄉黨。故無田今當受田者,如制度。敢有非井田聖制、無法惑眾者,投諸四裔」。於是農商失業,食貨俱廢,百姓涕泣於市道。坐賣買田宅奴婢,自諸侯卿大夫至於庶人,抵罪者不可勝數。經二年餘,中郎區博諫曰:「井田雖聖王法,其廢已久。周道既衰,而人不從。秦順人心,改之可以獲大利,故滅廬井而置阡陌,遂王諸夏,訖今海內未厭其弊。今欲違人心,追復千載絕跡,雖堯舜復生,而無百年之漸,不能行也。」莽知人愁,乃以許賣。其後百姓日以凋弊。 |
| | After Wang Mang usurped the throne, he issued an order: "In ancient times, when the well-field system was established, the state had sufficient resources and people were wealthy, which led to songs of praise. This was the way of Tang and Yu, followed by the three dynasties. The Qin dynasty was tyrannical, destroyed the sacred system, and abolished the well-field system. As a result, land consolidation arose, greed and corruption flourished, with the strong seizing thousands of mu in farmland while the weak had no place to put even a cone." Thus, "All land across the empire shall be renamed 'Wangtian,' and slaves shall be called 'Sishu'; neither may be bought or sold. For households with fewer than eight male members but who hold more than one well-field, the excess land must be distributed to their relatives, neighbors, and fellow villagers. Those without farmland who are now entitled to receive it shall do so according to this system. Anyone daring to oppose the sacred well-field system or deceive the people with false doctrines will be exiled to the remote frontiers." As a result, farmers and merchants lost their livelihoods; food production and commerce both collapsed, causing common people to weep in the streets. Those who were punished for buying or selling land, houses, and slaves ranged from feudal lords and high officials down to commoners; the number of those convicted was beyond count. After more than two years, Zhonglang Qu Bo advised: "Although the well-field system is a law of sage kings, it has been abolished for a long time. With the decline of Zhou dynasty's way, people no longer followed it. The Qin dynasty 顺应 the people's wishes, and by abolishing it they gained great benefits. Thus, they replaced the 庐井 system with the 阡陌 system, became king over all China, and until now the empire has not yet become weary of its drawbacks. Now you wish to go against the people's will and revive a system that has been abandoned for over a thousand years. Even if Yao and Shun were reborn, without a gradual transition of hundreds of years, it would be impossible to implement." Wang Mang realized the people's distress and thus allowed land sales. Afterward, the common people gradually declined into destitution.
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後漢之初,百姓虛耗,率土遺黎,十纔一二。光武建武十五年,詔下州郡檢覆墾田頃畝及戶口年紀。河南尹張伋及諸郡守十餘人,坐度田不實下獄死。順帝建康元年,定墾田六百八十九萬六千二百七十一頃五十六畝九十四步。 |
| | At the beginning of the Later Han dynasty, the population was greatly reduced; among all the land's remaining inhabitants, only one or two out of ten remained. In the fifteenth year of Jianwu reign period under Emperor Guangwu, an edict was issued to all provinces and commanderies ordering them to inspect and verify cultivated land in qing and mu as well as household registration and ages. Yin of Henan, Zhang Ji, and more than ten other commandery governors were imprisoned and executed for providing inaccurate land measurements. In the first year of Jiankang reign period under Emperor Shun, a total cultivated land area was officially recorded as 6,896,271 qing, 56 mu, and 94 bu.
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荀悅論曰:「昔文帝十三年六月,詔除人田租。且古者十一而稅,以為天下之中正。今漢人田,或百一而稅,可謂鮮矣。然豪富強人占田逾多,其賦太半,官收百一之稅,而人輸豪強太半之賦。官家之惠,優於三代,豪強之暴,酷於亡秦,是以惠不下通,而威福分於豪人也。今不正其本,而務除租稅,適足以資富強也。孝武皇帝時董仲舒嘗言,宜限人占田。至哀帝時,乃限人占田不得過三十頃,雖有其制,卒難施行。然三十頃又不平矣,且夫井田之制,不宜於人眾之時,田廣人寡,苟為可也。然欲廢之於寡,立之於眾,土地布列在豪強,卒而革之,並有怨心,則生紛亂,制度難行。由是觀之,若高祖初定天下,光武中興之後,人眾稀少,立之易矣。既未悉備井田之法,宜以口數占田為之立限。人得耕種,不得賣買,以贍貧弱,以防兼并,且為制度張本,不亦宜乎!雖古今異制,損益隨時,然紀綱大略,其致一也。」 |
| | Xun Yue commented: "In the sixth month of the thirteenth year of Emperor Wendi's reign, an edict was issued exempting land taxes for people. Moreover, in ancient times a tax rate of one-tenth was considered the fair and just standard for all under heaven. Now, in Han dynasty taxation, some people paid as little as one-hundredth of their harvest; this can truly be called minimal. Yet wealthy and powerful individuals occupied far more land, paying only a small portion of their taxes to the government. While officials collected one-hundredth in tax, common people paid two-thirds of their harvests to these rich elites. The government's benevolence was more generous than that of the three ancient dynasties, yet the oppression by powerful elites was harsher than under the fallen Qin dynasty. Thus, the emperor's grace did not reach the people, and power and blessings were instead divided among these wealthy individuals. Now, if we do not address the root cause but merely focus on abolishing taxes and levies, it will only serve to further enrich the powerful. During Emperor Xiaowu's reign, Dong Zhongshu once suggested that land ownership should be limited per person. It was not until the reign of Emperor Xiaochai that a regulation limiting land ownership to no more than thirty qing per person was enacted, but although such a system existed, it ultimately proved difficult to enforce. Yet even thirty qing was still unequal, and the well-field system, which is unsuitable for times of large populations, could only be applied when land was abundant and people were few. However, attempting to abolish it when people are few and establish it again when they are numerous is impractical. With land already distributed among the powerful elites, suddenly abolishing this system would provoke resentment and lead to unrest; such a policy would be difficult to implement. From this we can see that if the system had been established at the beginning when Emperor Gaozu first stabilized the empire, or after Emperor Guangwu's revival of Han rule, when the population was still sparse, it would have been much easier to implement. Since the well-field system cannot be fully restored, land ownership should instead be limited based on household size and population numbers. Allowing people to cultivate land but not buy or sell it would support the poor and weak, prevent land consolidation, and lay a foundation for future systems. Would this not be appropriate! Although ancient and modern systems differ in detail and adapt to changing times, their fundamental principles remain the same."
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崔寔政論曰:「昔聖人分口耕耦地,各相副適,使人飢飽不變,勞逸齊均。富者不足僭差,貧者無所企慕。始暴秦隳壞法度,制人之財,既無綱紀,而乃尊獎并兼之人。烏氏以牧豎致財,寵比諸侯;寡婦清以攻丹殖業,禮以國賓。於是巧猾之萌,遂肆其意。上家累巨億之貲,斥地侔封君之土,行苞苴以亂執政,養劍客以威黔首。專殺不辜,號無市死之子。生死之奉,多擬人主。故下戶踦嶇,無所跱足,乃父子低首,奴事富人,躬帥妻孥,為之服役。故富者席餘而日熾,貧者躡短而歲踧,歷代為虜,猶不贍於衣食,生有終身之勤,死有暴骨之憂,歲小不登,流離溝壑,嫁妻賣子。其所以傷心腐藏、失生人之樂者,蓋不可勝陳。故古有移人通財,以贍蒸黎。今青、徐、兗、冀,人稠土狹,不足相供。而三輔左右及涼、幽州,內附近郡,皆土曠人稀,厥田宜稼,悉不墾發。小人之情,安土重遷,寧就飢餒,無適樂土之慮。故人之為言瞑也,謂瞑瞑無所知。猶群羊聚畜,須主者牧養處置,置之茂草,則肥澤繁息,置之磽鹵,則零丁耗減。是以景帝六年,下詔郡國,令人得去磽狹,就寬肥。至武帝,遂徙關東貧人於隴西、北地、西河、上郡、會稽,凡七十二萬五千口。後加徙猾吏於關內。今宜復遵故事,徙貧人不能自業者於寬地,此亦開草闢土,振人之術也。」 |
| | Cui Shi's Political Discourse stated: "In ancient times, sage rulers allocated land according to household size and labor capacity, ensuring a balanced distribution so that people neither suffered from hunger nor enjoyed excessive ease; their burdens were equally shared. The wealthy had no excess to display or cause disparity, and the poor had nothing to envy or desire. It was only when the tyrannical Qin dynasty destroyed laws and regulations, controlled people's wealth without principles, and instead honored those who engaged in land consolidation. The Wu family became wealthy through animal husbandry, yet were favored as if they were feudal lords; A widow named Qing accumulated wealth through mining cinnabar and was treated with the same courtesy as a national guest. Thus, cunning individuals began to act on their desires without restraint. The wealthiest families accumulated assets in the millions, possessed land equal to that of feudal lords, bribed officials to disrupt governance, and employed swordsmen to intimidate common people. They committed murders without cause, and their victims were known as "unfortunate souls who died in the marketplace." Their treatment of life and death often rivaled that of a ruler. Therefore, the poor were squeezed and had no place to stand; even fathers and sons bowed their heads in submission, serving the wealthy as slaves. They led their wives and children to work for these rich families without rest. Thus, the rich grew increasingly powerful and prosperous day by day, while the poor became weaker year after year. Generation after generation remained in servitude, still unable to afford food or clothing. They lived with lifelong hardship and died with the worry of unburied bones. In years of slight harvest failure, they were forced to wander homeless, selling their wives and children. The sorrow that pierced their hearts and the loss of joy in living are too numerous to recount. Therefore, in ancient times there were policies for redistributing land and wealth to support the common people. Now, Qingzhou, Xuzhou, Yanzhou, and Jizhou of the Later Han... The population is dense while the land is narrow; there is not enough to support everyone. Meanwhile, the Three Fu regions and nearby commanderies such as Liangzhou and Youzhou... These areas all have vast land with sparse populations; the soil is suitable for farming, yet remains largely uncultivated. Common people are generally attached to their homeland and reluctant to relocate; they would rather face hunger than consider moving to a more favorable land. Therefore, the term "ren" (people) is said to mean "ming," meaning they are dim and unaware of anything. Like a flock of sheep gathered for breeding, they require the shepherd to manage and place them properly. If placed in lush grasslands, they will grow fat and multiply; if placed on barren or saline land, their numbers will dwindle and decline. Therefore, in the sixth year of Emperor Jing's reign, an edict was issued to all commanderies and states allowing people to leave barren and narrow lands for more spacious and fertile areas. By the time of Emperor Wu, poor people from Guandong were relocated to Longxi, Beidi, Xhe, Shangjun, and Kuaiji. A total of 725,000 people. Later, additional relocation of corrupt officials to Guannei was carried out. Now it is advisable once again to follow the old precedent and relocate poor people who cannot support themselves to more spacious lands. This, too, is a method of clearing land for cultivation and revitalizing the population."
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仲長統昌言曰:「遠州縣界至數千,而諸夏有十畝共桑之迫。遠州有曠野不發之田,代俗安土有死無去。君長不使,誰能自往緣邊之地。亦可因罪徙人,便以守禦。」 |
| | Zhong Changtong said in his "Changyan": "The boundaries of distant commanderies and counties extend for thousands, yet the Chinese people face the urgency of ten mu of land shared for mulberry cultivation. Distant commanderies have vast uncultivated fields, yet by convention people are attached to their native land and would rather die than leave. Without the orders of rulers or officials, who could voluntarily go to the frontier regions? It is also possible to relocate people as punishment for crimes, thereby using them to defend and guard the borders."
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| | 田制上: |
晉武帝泰始八年,司徒石苞奏:「州郡農桑未有殿最之制,宜增掾屬令史,有所循行。」帝從之。苞既明勸課,百姓安之。平吳之後,有司奏:「王公以國為家,京城不宜復有田宅。今未暇作諸國邸,當使城中有往來之處,近郊有芻稿之田。今可限之,國王公侯,京城得有宅一處。近郊田,大國十五頃,次國十頃,小國七頃。城內無宅城外有者,皆聽留之。」男子一人占田七十畝,女子三十畝。其丁男課田五十畝,丁女二十畝,次丁男半之,女則不課。其官第一品五十頃,每品減五頃以為差,第九品十頃。而又各以品之高卑蔭其親屬,多者及九族,少者三代。宗室、國賓、先賢之後士人子孫亦如之。而又得蔭人以為衣食客及佃客,量其官品以為差降。 |
| | In the eighth year of Taishi reign period under Emperor Wu of Jin, Siku Shi Bao submitted a memorial: "The commanderies and states have yet to establish a system for ranking agricultural and sericulture performance; it is advisable to increase clerks and officials so that they may conduct inspections." The emperor followed his suggestion. After Shi Bao clearly promoted and supervised agricultural instruction, the people found peace in their work. After the conquest of Wu, officials submitted a report: "Princes and nobles regard their fiefs as their homes; there should no longer be farmland or houses in the capital city. Now that we have not yet had time to construct mansions for various fiefs, there should be places within the city where they can travel and stay, and farmland in the suburbs for fodder and straw. Now it is advisable to impose limits: kings, marquises, and earls may have only one residence in the capital city. In terms of farmland near the suburbs, major fiefs shall be allocated 15 qing, medium ones 10 qing, and minor ones seven qing. Those who have no residence within the city but own one outside may retain it." One male person is entitled to 70 mu of farmland, and a female to 30 mu. For able-bodied males, the taxable land is 50 mu; for able-bodied females, it is 20 mu. For less-able males, half of that amount applies, and females are not taxed. For officials, the first rank is entitled to 50 qing of land; each subsequent rank decreases by five qing as a difference, with the ninth rank receiving ten qing. Moreover, based on their official ranks, they are granted privileges to support their relatives; the higher the rank, the more relatives are included—up to nine generations in some cases, and at least three generations for lower ranks. The same applies to members of the imperial clan, national guests, descendants of sages, and scholars' offspring as well. Moreover, they were also allowed to support dependents as attendants or tenant farmers, with the number determined according to their official rank.
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| | 田制上: |
宋孝武帝大明初,羊希為尚書左丞。時揚州刺史西陽王子尚上言:「山湖之禁,雖有舊科,人俗相因,替而不奉,熂山封水,保為家利。自頃以來,頹弛日甚。富強者兼嶺而占,貧弱者薪蘇無託。至漁採之地,亦又如茲。斯實害理之深弊。請損益舊條,更申恒制。」有司檢壬辰詔書:「擅占山澤,強盜律論,贓一丈以上皆棄市。」希以「壬辰之制,其禁嚴刻,事既難遵,理與時弛。而占山封水,漸染復滋,更相因仍,便成先業,一朝頓去,易致怨嗟。今更刊革,立制五條。凡是山澤,先恒熂郐種養竹木雜果為林仍,及陂湖江海魚梁怅鮆場恒加工修作者,聽不追奪。官品第一、第二品,聽占山三頃。第三、第四品,二頃五十畝。第五、第六品,二頃。第七、第八品,一頃五十畝。第九品及百姓,一頃。皆依定格,條上貲簿。若先已占山,不得更占。先占闕少,依限占足。若非前條舊業,一不得禁。有犯者,水土一尺以上,並計贓,依常盜律論。除晉咸康二年壬辰之科」。從之。 |
| | At the beginning of the Daming reign period under Emperor Xiaowu of Song, Yang Xi served as Left Vice Minister of the Secretariat. At that time, Yangzhou Cishi Xiyang Wang Zishang submitted a memorial: "The prohibition on mountains and lakes has been in place according to old regulations; however, due to customary practices passed down by the people, it has been neglected and not followed. People burn mountains and enclose water bodies for their own benefit. In recent years, this situation has deteriorated further day by day. The wealthy and powerful monopolize entire mountain ranges for their own use, while the poor and weak have no place to rely on even for firewood or herbs. As for fishing and gathering grounds, it is also like this. This is a serious flaw that harms reason and justice. I request to revise the old regulations, and re-establish permanent rules." The officials examined the edict of the Renchen year: "Those who illegally occupy mountains and marshes shall be treated as robbers, and anyone with stolen property exceeding one zhang in length shall be executed publicly." Xi pointed out: "The regulations of the Renchen year are strict and harsh; they are difficult to follow, and thus over time have naturally been relaxed. Yet the occupation of mountains and enclosure of water bodies has gradually become widespread again, passed down through generations as established property. To suddenly abolish it would easily lead to resentment and complaints. Now we propose a reform and establish five regulations. All mountains and marshes that have been burned or enclosed for planting bamboo, trees, and various fruits to form forests, as well as embankments, lakes, rivers, seas, fish weirs, and traps If these sites have been continuously cultivated, maintained, or improved, they may be allowed to remain without being reclaimed. Officials of the first and second ranks are permitted to occupy three qing of mountain land. Third- and fourth-rank officials, 2 qing and 50 mu. Fifth- and sixth-rank officials, two qing. Seventh- and eighth-rank officials, one qing and fifty mu. Ninth-rank officials and commoners, one qing. All shall follow the established standards and be recorded in detailed property registers. If someone has already occupied a mountain, they may not occupy another one. If the previously occupied land is insufficient, additional occupation shall be allowed within the prescribed limits to make up for it. If it does not fall under any of the aforementioned established properties, no restrictions may apply. Those who violate these regulations shall be punished according to the standard theft laws for any land or water occupied, with one chi and above counted as stolen property. This replaces the regulations of the Renchen year in the second year of Xiankang during the Jin dynasty." The proposal was accepted.
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| | 田制上: |
時山陰縣人多田少,孔靈符表請徙無貲之家於餘姚、鄮、鄞三縣界,墾起湖田。帝令公卿博議,咸曰:「夫訓農修政,有國所同。土著之人,習翫日久,如京師無田,不聞徙居他縣。尋山陰豪族富室,頃畝不少,貧者肆力,非為無處。又緣湖居人,魚鴨為業,小人習始既難,勸之未易。遠廢之疇,方翦荊棘,率課窮乏,其事彌難,資徙粗立,徐行無晚。」帝違眾議,徙人並成良業。 |
| | At that time, in Shanyin Xian there were many people but little arable land. Kong Lingfu submitted a memorial requesting to relocate families without property to the borders of Yuyao, Liao , and Yin counties to cultivate newly reclaimed lake fields. The emperor ordered ministers and officials to hold an extensive discussion, and they all said: "Teaching agriculture and improving governance are common priorities for any state. The native inhabitants have long been accustomed to their land; if there is no farmland in the capital, we have never heard of relocating them to other counties. Upon investigation, it was found that wealthy families and prominent clans in Shanyin possess ample land; the poor are not lacking effort but rather opportunities. Moreover, people living along the lakes rely on fishing and duck farming for their livelihood; it is difficult to change such long-established habits of commoners. To abandon distant fields, clear thorns and brambles, and impose levies on the poor would be even more difficult. It is better to gradually establish relocation efforts and proceed at a steady pace; there will never be too late." The emperor disregarded the majority opinion, relocated people, and successfully established productive enterprises.
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| | 田制上: |
後魏明帝永興中,頻有水旱。神瑞二年,又不熟,於是分簡尤貧者就食山東。敕有司勸課田農曰:「前志有之,人生在勤,勤則不匱。凡庶人不畜者祭無牲,不耕者祭無盛,不樹者死無槨,不蠶者衣無帛,不績者喪無縗。教行三農,生殖九穀。」自是人皆力勤,歲數豐穰,畜牧滋息。 |
| | During the Yongxing period of Emperor Mingdi of Later Wei, there were frequent occurrences of floods and droughts. In the second year of Shenrui, another poor harvest occurred; therefore, the government selected the poorest people to relocate and seek sustenance in Shandong. The emperor issued an order instructing officials to encourage agricultural production, saying: "As recorded in previous records, human life depends on diligence; with diligence, there will be no shortage. For common people, those who do not raise livestock have no sacrificial animals for rituals; those who do not farm have no offerings of grain; those who plant nothing will die without a coffin; those who rear no silkworms wear no silk clothing; and those who spin no thread face mourning without proper shrouds. Promote the teachings of the three agricultural seasons, cultivate the nine grains." From then on, people all worked diligently; harvests were abundant for several years, and livestock breeding flourished.
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| | 田制上: |
景穆帝初為太子監國,曾令有司課畿內之人,使無牛家以人牛力相貿,墾殖鋤耨。其有牛家與無牛家一人種田二十畝,償以耘鋤功七畝,如是為差。至與老小無牛家種田七畝,老小者償以鋤功二畝。皆以五口下貧家為率。各列家別口數、所種頃畝,明立簿目。所種者於地首標題姓名,以辨播殖之功。 |
| | At the beginning of his reign as crown prince regent, Emperor Jingmu ordered officials to instruct people within the capital region: those without oxen should exchange human labor for oxen power in order to cultivate and till the land. Those who owned oxen were required to work with those without, where one person would cultivate 20 mu of land and in return receive seven mu as compensation for weeding and hoeing labor; this was the established standard. For elderly or young people without oxen, they would cultivate seven mu of land, and in return be compensated with two mu for weeding labor. This was based on the standard of a poor household with five people. Each family's number of members and cultivated land in qing and mu were recorded clearly, with detailed account books established. The names of those who planted crops were marked at the beginning of each field to distinguish their contributions and efforts in cultivation.
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| | 田制上: |
孝文太和元年三月,詔曰:「去年牛疫,死傷太半,今東作既興,人須肄業。有牛者加勤於常歲,無牛者倍傭於餘年。一夫制理四十畝,中男二十畝。無令人有餘力,地有遺利。」時李安世上疏曰:「臣聞量地畫野,經國大式,邑地相參,致理之本。井稅之興,其來日久,田萊之數,制之以限。蓋欲使土不曠功,人罔遊力。雄擅之家,不獨膏腴之美;單陋之夫,亦有頃畝之分。竊見州郡之人,或因年儉流移,棄賣田宅,漂居異鄉,事涉數代。三長既立,始返舊墟,廬井荒涼,桑榆改植。事已歷遠,易生假冒,彊宗豪族,肆其侵淩,遠認魏晉之家,近引親舊之驗。年載稍久,鄉老所惑,群證雖多,莫可取據。各附親知,互有長短,兩證徒具,聽者猶疑,爭訟遷延,連紀不判。良疇委而不開,柔桑枯而不採,欲令家豐歲儲,人給資用,其可得乎!愚謂今雖桑井難復,宜更均量,審其徑術,令分藝有準,力業相稱。細人獲資生之利,豪右靡餘地之盈。無私之澤,乃播均於兆庶,如阜如山,可有積於比戶矣。又所爭之田,宜限年斷,事久難明,悉屬今主。然後虛詐之人,絕於覬覦,守分之士,免於淩奪。」帝深納之,均田之制起於此矣。 |
| | In the first month of the Tahe year one reign period under Emperor Xiaowen, an edict was issued: "Last year there was a cattle plague, and more than half of the oxen died or were injured. Now that spring farming has begun, people must resume their agricultural work. Those who have oxen should work harder than in an ordinary year; those without oxen must double their labor compared to other years. One adult male is responsible for cultivating 40 mu, and a middle-aged man cultivates 20 mu. Ensure that no one has spare labor power while land remains uncultivated." At the time, Li Anshi submitted a memorial saying: "I have heard that measuring land and demarcating fields is an essential principle for governing a state; coordinating urban and rural areas is fundamental to good governance. The system of well-field taxation has been in place for a long time, with land cultivation and fallow cycles regulated by set limits. This is intended to ensure that land remains productive without neglect, and people do not remain idle or unproductive. Powerful families should not monopolize the most fertile lands; even humble individuals must also have their share of land. I secretly observe that people in the commanderies and states, due to poor harvests or displacement, have abandoned their farmland and homes, drifted to live elsewhere, and this situation has persisted for several generations. Now that the Three Chieftains system has been established, they have begun to return to their old villages; however, houses and wells lie in ruins, mulberry trees and Chinese parasol trees have changed. These events occurred long ago, making it easy for false claims to arise. Powerful clans and influential families have taken advantage of the situation by encroaching on others' property, falsely claiming them as Hui or Jin dynasty properties in the distant past, or recently citing relatives and acquaintances as proof. After a few years have passed, even local elders are confused; although there may be many witnesses, no reliable evidence can be found. Each party relies on their own acquaintances, and the testimonies vary in credibility. Even with two witnesses present, listeners remain doubtful; disputes drag on for years without resolution. Fertile fields are left uncultivated, and tender mulberry leaves wither without being harvested. How can we hope for abundant harvests each year or sufficient resources for the people? I humbly suggest that although it is difficult to fully restore the well-field system with mulberry trees, we should still implement a more equitable measurement. Carefully determine the methods and standards so that land distribution follows clear criteria, matching each person's labor capacity with their assigned plots. Ordinary people would gain a means of livelihood, while powerful elites would no longer have excessive land to exploit. The impartial benefits of this policy will be evenly distributed among the common people, like a mountain or a mound, and thus accumulated in every household. Furthermore, regarding disputed lands, there should be a time limit for adjudication; if the matter has lasted too long and cannot be clarified, it should all belong to the current owner. Only then will those who seek land through deceit and fraud be prevented from coveting it, and law-abiding citizens will be spared from encroachment and plunder. The emperor deeply accepted this proposal; the system of equal land distribution began here.
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| | 田制上: |
九年,下詔均給天下人田:諸男夫十五以上,受露田四十畝,婦人二十畝,奴婢依良。丁牛一頭受田三十畝,限四牛。所授之田率倍之,三易之田再倍之,以供耕休及還受之盈縮。人年及課則受田,老免及身沒則還田,奴婢、牛隨有無以還受。諸桑田不在還受之限,但通入倍田分。於分雖盈,沒則還田,不得以充露田之數,不足者以露田充倍。諸初受田者,男夫一人給田二十畝,課蒔餘,種桑五十樹,棗五株,榆三根。非桑之土,夫給一畝,依法課蒔榆、棗。奴各依良。限三年種畢,不畢,奪其不畢之地。於桑榆地分雜蒔餘果及多種桑榆者不禁。諸應還之田,不得種桑榆棗果,種者以違令論,地入還分。諸桑田皆為代業,身終不還,恒從見口。有盈者無受無還,不足者受種如法。盈者得賣其盈,不足者得買所不足。不得賣其分,亦不得買過所足。諸麻布之土,男夫及課,別給麻田十畝,婦人五畝,奴婢依良,皆從還受之法。諸有舉戶老小殘疾無受田者,年十一以上及疾者,各授以半夫田。年踰七十者不還所受。寡婦守志者,雖免課亦授婦田。諸還受人田,恒以正月。若始受田而身亡及賣買奴婢、牛者,皆至明年正月乃得還受。諸土廣人稀之處,隨力所及,官借人種蒔。後有來居者,依法封授。諸地狹之處,有進丁受田而不樂遷者,則以其家桑田為正田分,又不足不給倍田,又不足家內人別減分。無桑之鄉,準此為法。樂遷者聽逐空荒,不限異州他郡,唯不聽避勞就逸。其地足之處,不得無故而移。諸人有新居者,三口給地一畝,以為居室,奴婢五口給一畝。男女十五以上,因其地分,口課種菜五分畝之一。諸一人之分,正從正,倍從倍,不得隔越他畔。進丁受田者,恒從所近。若同時俱受,先貧後富。再倍之田,放此為法。諸遠流配謫無子孫及戶絕者,墟宅、桑榆盡為公田,以供授受。授受之次,給其所親,未給之閒,亦借其所親。諸宰人之官,各隨近給公田:刺史十五頃,太守十頃,治中、別駕各八頃,縣令、郡丞六頃。更代相付。賣者坐如律。 |
| | In the ninth year, an edict was issued to equally distribute land to all people: every male adult aged fifteen or older would receive forty mu of fallow land. Women received twenty mu, and slaves and servants were given the same as free people. Each ox owned by a household could be allocated thirty mu of land, with a maximum limit of four oxen. The amount of land granted was generally doubled; for fields that had been rotated three times, it was increased by fourfold, to accommodate the expansion and contraction needed for cultivation cycles and redistribution. When a person reaches the age of obligation, they receive land; when they become elderly and exempt or die, the land is returned. Slaves and oxen also return or receive land according to their presence or absence. Mulberry fields are not subject to the limits of returning or receiving land, but they are included in the calculation for doubled land allocations. Even if one's allocation exceeds their share, upon death the land must be returned and cannot be counted toward fallow fields. If a person's allocation is insufficient, it should be supplemented with fallow land to reach the doubled amount. Those who received land for the first time were given twenty mu per male adult, with an additional allocation of surplus land to be used for planting: fifty mulberry trees, five jujube trees, and three elm saplings. In areas unsuitable for mulberry cultivation, each male adult was given one mu of land to plant elms and jujubes according to the law. Slaves were granted land in accordance with the same standards as free people. They had three years to complete planting; if they failed, the unfulfilled portion of their land allocation would be confiscated. Planting other fruits or additional mulberry and elm trees within the designated areas for mulberry and elm cultivation was not prohibited. For land that should be returned, planting of mulberry trees, elms, jujubes, or fruit was prohibited. Anyone who violated this order would have their land included in the portion to be reclaimed. All mulberry fields were considered hereditary property; they did not need to be returned upon a person's death, but would continue with the current household. Those who had an excess of land neither received nor returned it; those who were insufficient received and cultivated their allocation according to law. Those with surplus land could sell the excess, while those lacking sufficient land could buy what they needed. They were not allowed to sell their allocated share, nor could they purchase more than was necessary to meet their needs. In areas suitable for hemp cultivation, male adults who were subject to labor obligations received ten mu of additional land for growing hemp; women received five mu. Slaves and servants followed the same standard as free people, and all were subject to the rules governing the return and reallocation of land. For households with elderly, children, or disabled members who were unable to receive land allocations, those aged eleven and above or with disabilities would each be granted half the amount of land allocated to a male adult. Those over seventy years old did not return their allocated land. Widows who remained faithful to their deceased husbands' memory were granted the same amount of land as women, even if they were exempt from labor obligations. The redistribution and reallocation of farmland was always carried out in the first lunar month. If someone initially received land but later died, or if there were transactions involving slaves and oxen, the return or reallocation of land would not take place until the following year's first lunar month. In areas where there was abundant land but few people, officials should lend land to individuals according to their capacity for cultivation and planting. If new residents later arrived, they would be granted land in accordance with the law. In areas with limited land, if new adults received land but did not wish to relocate, their household's mulberry fields would be converted into regular farmland. If this was still insufficient for the doubled allocation, further reductions in individual shares within the household were made. In villages without mulberry cultivation, these regulations would also apply accordingly. Those who were willing to relocate could move to unoccupied or wasteland areas without restriction, even across different commanderies and states; however, they were not allowed to avoid labor by seeking easier living conditions. In regions where land was sufficient, people could not relocate without a valid reason. For those who newly settled in an area, one mu of land was granted for every three people to serve as a dwelling site; for slaves and servants, one mu was given for every five individuals. For males and females aged fifteen or older, they were required to plant vegetables on a quarter of an acre per person based on their land allocation. Each individual's land allocation must follow the standard for regular or doubled plots, and no one was allowed to skip over or encroach upon adjacent plots. When new adults received their land allocations, they were always assigned land closest to them. If multiple people received land at the same time, those in poverty would be given priority over the wealthy. The allocation of fourfold land should follow this principle as well. For those who had been exiled to distant regions and had no descendants or whose households became extinct, their houses, mulberry fields, and elm groves would all become state-owned land for redistribution. The order of granting and receiving land should be given to their relatives first; in the interim before allocation, land could also be temporarily lent to these relatives. Government officials in charge of administration were each granted public land according to proximity: a cishi (governor) received fifteen qing, a taishou (prefect) ten qing, zhi zhong and biejia (deputy governors) eight qing each, and xianling (county magistrates) and jun cheng (assistant prefects) six qing each. The land was passed on to their successors upon change of office. Those who sold the land would be punished according to law.
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