| Chinese Text Project |
《禮四 - Rites 4》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
《大享明堂 - Grand Sacrificial Rites at Mingtang 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 大享明堂: | 明堂制度附 |
| System of Mingtang Attached | ||
| 2 | 大享明堂: | 大享明堂明堂制度附 有熊 唐 虞 夏 殷 周 漢 後漢 魏 晉 東晉 宋 齊 梁 陳 後魏 北齊 後周 隋 大唐 |
| The Great Sacrificial Mingtang System of Mingtang Attached: Youxiong, Tang, Yu, Xia, Yin, Zhou, Han, Later Han, Wei, Jin, Eastern Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, Chen, Northern Wei, Northern Qi, Northern Zhou, Sui, Da Tang | ||
| 3 | 大享明堂: | 黃帝拜祀上帝於明堂。或謂之合宮。其堂之制，中有一殿，四面無壁，以茅蓋，通水，水圜宮垣，為復道，上有樓，從西南入，名昆侖，天子從之入，以拜祀。漢公玉帶所上制度。 |
| The Yellow Emperor offered sacrifices to the Supreme Deity at the Mingtang. Or called Hegong. The structure of the hall had one central pavilion, with no walls on its four sides and a thatched roof. Water flowed through it; circular waterways surrounded the palace enclosure. A double-decked road was built above, with a tower on top. One entered from the southwest passage named Kunlun, and the Son of Heaven followed this route to enter for worship. The system submitted by Gong Yudai of Han. | ||
| 4 | 大享明堂: | 唐虞祀五帝於五府。府者，聚也。言五帝之神聚而祭於此堂。蒼曰靈府，赤曰文祖，黃曰神計，白曰明紀，黑曰玄矩。五府之制，未詳。 |
| Tang and Yu offered sacrifices to the Five Emperors at the Five Palaces. A "Fu" is a place of gathering. It means that the spirits of the Five Emperors were gathered and worshipped in this hall. The blue one was called Lingfu, the red one Wenzu, the yellow one Shenji, the white one Mingji, and the black one Xuanju. The structure of the Five Palaces is not clearly known. | ||
| 5 | 大享明堂: | 夏后氏享祖宗於世室。言代代不毀之。故魯名宗廟曰「文代室」「武代室」。世室之制，堂修二七，廣四修之一。修，南北之深也。夏度以步，令堂修十四步，益以四分修之一，則堂廣十七步半。五室，三四步，四三尺。堂上為五室，象五行也。三四步為室方也，四三尺以益廣也。木室於東北，火室於東南，金室於西南，水室於西北，其方皆三尺，其廣益之以三尺也。土室於中央，方四步，其廣益之以四尺。此五室居堂，南北六丈，東西七丈。九階。南面三階，三面各二。四旁兩夾窗。窗助戶為明也，每室四戶八窗。白盛。蜃灰也。以蜃灰堊牆，所以飾成宮室。盛音成。門堂三之二，門側之堂，取數於正堂。南北九步二尺，東西十一步四尺。室三之一。兩室與門，各居一分。 |
| The Xia Hou Shi offered sacrifices to their ancestors in the Shishi. Meaning that it was not destroyed from generation to generation. Therefore, the State of Lu named its ancestral temples "Wudai Shi" and "Wudai Shi." The structure of Shishi was such that the length of the hall was two times seven, and its width was one fourth of its length. "Xiu" refers to the depth from north to south. The Xia measurement used bu (pace) as a unit, so if the hall's depth was fourteen bu, adding one fourth of that depth would make the hall's width seventeen and a half bu. Five rooms, three by four bu, four by three chi. The five rooms on the hall symbolized the Five Elements. Three by four bu formed the square of each room, and four by three chi were added to increase its width. The Wood Room was located in the northeast, the Fire Room in the southeast, the Metal Room in the southwest, and the Water Room in the northwest. Each room had a square base of three chi on each side, with an additional width of three chi added to it. The Earth Room was located at the center, with a square base four bu on each side and an additional width of four chi added to it. These five rooms occupied the hall in such a way that its north-south length was six zhang, and its east-west width was seven zhang. Nine steps. Three steps in the south-facing side, and two each on the other three sides. Two flanking windows on each of the four sides. Windows assisted doors in providing light; each room had four doors and eight windows. White decorations. It refers to lime made from shell ash. Lime made from shell was used to plaster the walls, thus decorating and completing the palace rooms. "Cheng" is the pronunciation of "Sheng." The hall at the gate was two thirds the size of the main hall. The hall adjacent to the gate took its dimensions from the central hall. Its north-south length was nine bu and two chi, and its east-west width ten bu and four chi. One third of a room. The two rooms and the gate each occupied one portion. | ||
| 6 | 大享明堂: | 殷人曰重屋。其制，堂修七尋，崇三尺，四阿重屋。重屋者，王宮正堂若大寢也。阿，今四注也。重屋，複笮也。八尺曰尋。 |
| The Yin people called it Chongwu. Its structure had a hall depth of seven xun, a height of three chi, and four eaves with a double-roofed house. "Chongwu" refers to the main hall of the royal palace or the great chamber for ancestral worship. "A" is now known as "Sizhu." Chongwu was a double-roofed structure. Eight chi made one xun. | ||
| 7 | 大享明堂: | 周制，季秋大享於明堂，宗祀文王以配上帝。謂祀昊天上帝。先儒所釋不同。若以祭五帝，則以天帝皆坐明堂之中，以五人帝及文王配之，五官之神坐於庭中，以武王配之，通名曰祖宗，故云「祖文王而宗武王」。文王為父，配祭於上；武王為子，配祭於下。如其所論，非為通理。但五神皆生為上公，死為貴神，生存之日，帝王饗會，皆須升堂，今死為貴神，獨配於下，屈武王之尊，同下坐之義，為不便。意為合祭五帝於明堂，唯有一祭，月令所謂九月大饗帝於明堂也。五帝及神俱坐於上，以文武二祖，汎配五帝及五神而祭之。以文王配祭五帝，則謂之祖，以武王配祭五神，則謂之宗。明二君同配，故祭法云「祖文王而宗武王」。夫祖者始也，宗者尊也，所以名祭為始尊者，明祭之中有此二義。其制，度九尺之筵，東西九筵，南北七筵，堂崇一筵。五室，凡室二筵。明政教之堂也。周度以筵，亦王者相改也。周堂高九尺，殷三尺，夏一尺，相參之數也。禹卑宮室，為一尺之堂歟？此三者或舉宗廟，或舉王寢，或舉明堂，互言以明其同制也。則宗廟、路寢、明堂，名殊制同。釋名曰：「明猶清也。堂，高明貌也。」東西長八十一尺，南北六十三尺，其堂高九尺。於一堂之上為五室，每一室廣一丈八尺。每室開四門，門旁各有窗。九階外有四門，門之廣二丈一尺。門兩旁各築土為堂，南北四十二尺，東西五十四尺。其堂上各為一室，南北丈四尺，東西丈八尺。其宮室牆壁，以蜃蛤灰飾之。大戴禮盛德篇云：「明堂九室，室有四戶八窗。三十六戶，七十二牖。蓋以茅，上圓下方。其外水名辟雍。」明堂月令說云：「堂高三尺，東西九仞，南北七筵。九室十二堂。室四戶八牖，宮三百步。在近郊三十里。」又云「堂方百四十四尺，坤之策也。屋圜徑二百一十六尺，乾之策也。太廟明堂方三十六丈，通天屋徑九丈，陰陽九六之變也。圜蓋方載，九六之道。八闥以象八卦，九室以象九州，十二宮以應十二辰。三十六戶七十二牖，以四戶八牖乘九室之數也。戶皆外設而不閉，示天下不藏也。通天屋高八十一尺，黃鐘九九之實也。二十八柱列於四方，亦七宿之象也。堂高三尺，以應三統。四嚮五色，各象其行。外博二十四丈，以應節氣也。」淳于登說云：「明堂在國之南，三里之外，七里之內，丙巳之地。」又戴德云：「明堂辟雍是一」。古周禮、孝經說以明堂為文王廟。左傳魯僖公五年：「既視朔，遂登觀臺。」服氏云：「人君入太廟視朔，天子曰靈臺，諸侯曰觀臺，在明堂之中。」文公二年，服氏云明堂祖廟。並與鄭說不同。鄭注玉藻云：「天子廟及路寢，皆如明堂制。」即鄭意以為三者名異而制同。王制云「小學在公宮之左，大學在郊」，即云：「天子曰辟雍」，是學不得與明堂同為一物。又，天子宗廟在雉門之外，孝經緯云「明堂在國之陽」，玉藻又云：「聽朔於南門外」，是明堂與祖廟別處，不得為一也。蔡邕明堂章句曰：「明堂者，天子太廟，所以宗祀，周謂之明堂。東曰青陽，南曰明堂，西曰總章，北曰玄堂，中曰太室。人君南面，故主以明堂為名。在其五堂之中央，皆曰太廟。饗射、養老、教學、選士，皆於其中。故言其正室之貌則曰太廟，取其尊崇則曰太室，取其向明則曰明堂，取其四時之學則曰太學，取其周水圜如璧則曰辟雍。雖各異名，而事實一也。」袁準正論：「明堂、宗廟、太學，事義固各有所為，而代之儒者，合為一體。取詩書放逸之文，經典相似之語，推而致之。考之人情，失之遠矣。宗廟之中，人所致敬，幽隱清淨，鬼神所居，而使眾學處焉，饗射於中，人鬼慢黷，死生交錯，囚俘截耳，瘡痍流血，以干鬼神，非其理也。茅茨采椽，至質之物，建日月，乘玉輅，以處其中，非其類也。夫宗廟，鬼神之居，祭天而於人鬼之室，非其處也。王者五門，宗廟在一門之內，若在廟而張三侯，又辟雍在內，人物眾多，非宗廟之中所能容也。」如準所論，與鄭義合。或以「周時德澤洽和，蒿茂大以為宮柱，名曰蒿宮，此天子之路寢也」。呂氏春秋曰：「茅茨蒿柱，土階三等。」 |
| In the Zhou system, during the third month of autumn, a grand sacrifice was held at the Mingtang, where ancestral worship of King Wen was conducted to accompany sacrifices to the Supreme Deity. Meaning the worship of Haotian Shangdi. Different ancient scholars have provided varying interpretations. If the sacrifice was for the Five Emperors, then all five celestial emperors would be seated in the center of the Mingtang hall, with the Five Human Emperors and King Wen as their counterparts. The spirits of the five officials were seated in the courtyard, with King Wu as their counterpart. Collectively they were referred to as ancestors, hence it was said "Ancestor Wenwang and Venerated Wuwang." King Wen, as the father figure, was offered sacrifices in a higher position; King Wu, as the son figure, was sacrificed to at a lower level. According to this interpretation, it does not conform to general principles. However, the Five Deities were all high-ranking officials in life and became esteemed deities after death. While they were alive, when emperors held banquets or gatherings, these officials would ascend to the hall. Now that they have become esteemed deities, it is inappropriate for them alone to be placed at a lower position; this diminishes King Wu's dignity and places him among those seated below, which is inconvenient. The intention was to jointly sacrifice to the Five Emperors in the Mingtang; there was only one such ceremony, as mentioned in the Yue Ling as "the grand sacrificial feast for the Emperor at the Mingtang in September." The Five Emperors and deities were all seated above, while the two ancestral emperors Wen and Wu were generally paired with the Five Emperors and the Five Deities for worship. When King Wen was offered as a counterpart to the sacrifices of the Five Emperors, he was called "Zu"; when King Wu was offered as a counterpart in the sacrifices to the Five Deities, he was referred to as "Zong." This clarifies that these two rulers were offered together in sacrifice; hence the Rites of Sacrifice states, "Ancestor Wenwang and Venerated Wuwang." "Zu" means the beginning, while "Zong" signifies reverence. The term "Shizun" (beginning and reverence) is used to name this sacrifice in order to clarify that these two meanings exist within it." Its structure was measured using a nine-chi mat; the hall extended nine mats in width from east to west and seven mats in depth from north to south, with its height equaling one mat. Five rooms were built, each room being two mats in size. This was the hall for clarifying political instruction and education. The Zhou measurement used mats, which also reflected changes in royal systems over time. The height of the Zhou hall was nine chi; that of Yin was three chi, and that of Xia one chi—these were comparative measurements. Did Yu build a low palace with a hall only one chi high? These three examples may refer to ancestral temples, royal chambers for the dead, or the Mingtang hall; they are mentioned interchangeably to clarify that their structures were similar. Thus, ancestral temples, Luqin (the chamber for the deceased ruler), and Mingtang halls had different names but shared the same structure. The Shiming says: "Ming is similar to Qing, meaning clarity." "Tang" describes the appearance of being lofty and bright." Its east-west length was eighty-one chi, its north-south depth sixty-three chi, and the hall's height nine chi. Five rooms were built on one hall, each room having a width of ten zhang and eight chi. Each room had four doors, with windows placed beside each door. Outside the nine steps were four gates; each gate was twenty zhang and one chi wide. On both sides of the gate, earth was built up to form halls, with a north-south length of forty-two chi and an east-west width of fifty-four chi. Each hall had one room on its upper part, with a north-south depth of ten zhang and four chi, and an east-west width of ten zhang and eight. The walls and partitions of the palace rooms were decorated with lime made from shell and clam ash. The Da Dai Li Shengde pian states: "The Mingtang has nine rooms, each with four doors and eight windows. There are thirty-six doors and seventy-two windows in total. The roof was thatched with straw, round above and square below. The surrounding water outside was called Biyong." The Mingtang Yue Ling Shuo states: "The hall's height is three chi, its east-west length nine ren, and its north-south depth seven mats. Nine rooms and twelve halls. Each room has four doors and eight windows, with the palace covering three hundred bu in length. It is located thirty li outside the inner suburbs." It also says, "The hall has a square base of 144 chi, corresponding to the number associated with Kun. The circular roof has a diameter of two hundred and sixteen chi, corresponding to the numerical value associated with Qian. The square base of the Taemiao Mingtang was thirty-six zhang, while the diameter of the through-heaven roof was nine zhang—this reflects the transformation between yin and yang numbers nine and six. The round cover on a square base represents the principle of nine and six. Eight gates symbolized the Eight Trigrams, nine rooms represented the Nine Provinces, and twelve palaces corresponded to the Twelve Earthly Branches. Thirty-six doors and seventy-two windows were calculated by multiplying four doors and eight windows for each of the nine rooms. All doors were placed outwardly but left unfastened, symbolizing that nothing was hidden from under heaven. The through-heaven roof stood eighty-one chi high, corresponding to the actual measure of Huangzhong's nine nines. Twenty-eight pillars were arranged in four directions, symbolizing the Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions and also representing the Seven Stars (Seven Constellations). The hall was three chi high to correspond with the Three Systems. Its four directions were colored in five hues, each representing one of the Five Elements. The outer breadth was twenty-four zhang to correspond with the solar terms." Chunyu Deng's explanation states: "The Mingtang is located to the south of the capital, beyond three li and within seven li, in the area corresponding to Bing and Si." Dai De also said: "The Mingtang and Biyong are one and the same." Ancient interpretations of Zhou Li and Xiao Jing regarded the Mingtang as the temple of King Wen. Zuo Zhuan, Lu Xigong 5: "After observing the new moon, he ascended to the observation platform." Fu Shi said: "A ruler enters the Taitemiao to observe the new moon; for the Son of Heaven, it is called Lingtai, and for feudal lords, Guantai. It was located within the Mingtang." In the second year of King Wen's reign, Fu Shi said that the Mingtang served as an ancestral temple. This differs from Zheng Xuan's interpretation. Zheng Xuan annotated the Yu Zao, stating: "The temples and Luqin of the Son of Heaven were all constructed according to the Mingtang system." That is, Zheng's view was that these three structures had different names but identical systems. Wangzhi states, "The primary schools were located to the left of the palace, and the higher schools in the suburbs," adding: "For the Son of Heaven it was called Biyong." This indicates that the school could not be the same as the Mingtang. Moreover, the ancestral temples of the Son of Heaven were located outside the Zhimeng gate. The Xiaojing Wei states that "the Mingtang was on the southern side of the capital," and Yu Zao also says: "The new moon was observed outside the southern gate." This indicates that the Mingtang and the ancestral temple were in separate locations, and thus could not be one and the same. Cai Yong's Mingtang Zhangju states: "The Mingtang was the Taitemiao of the Son of Heaven, used for ancestral worship. It was called Mingtang in Zhou dynasty." The east side was called Qingyang, the south Mingtang, the west Zongzhang, the north Xuantang, and the center Taishi. Since a ruler faces south when seated in audience, he is thus named after the Mingtang as its central place of governance. In the center of these five halls was located what was called Taitemiao. Ritual banquets, archery ceremonies, honoring elders, education, and selecting scholars all took place within it. Therefore, when referring to the appearance of its main hall it was called Taitemiao; when emphasizing reverence and grandeur, it was called Taishi; when highlighting its orientation toward light, it was named Mingtang; when referring to its function as a four-season institution for learning, it was termed Taixue; and when describing its circular water surrounding like a jade bi disc, it was known as Biyong. Although they have different names, in reality they refer to the same structure." Yuan Zhun Zheng Lun: "The Mingtang, ancestral temple, and Taixue each originally had distinct purposes; however, Confucian scholars of later dynasties combined them into one structure. They cited scattered passages from the Shijing and Shangshu, as well as similar expressions in classical texts, to support their argument. Examined in terms of human sentiment, this interpretation is far removed from the truth. Within the ancestral temple, people express their reverence; it is a place of seclusion and purity where spirits reside. To have common schools located there, to conduct archery banquets within its precincts—this would be disrespectful toward both living and dead, mixing human and ghostly presence inappropriately. Captives having ears cut off, wounds bleeding freely, all occurring before the spirits—such actions are contrary to reason. Thatched roofs and unadorned beams represent the most basic materials, yet to erect sun and moon symbols there, ride in a jade chariot, and conduct oneself within such a place is not appropriate. The ancestral temple is the dwelling of spirits; to perform sacrifices to heaven in the chamber meant for human ancestors is not an appropriate location. The Son of Heaven had five gates, and the ancestral temple was located within one of them. If archery targets were set up in the temple, or if Biyong were placed inside as well, with many people present, it would be impossible for such a space to accommodate all these activities." As Yuan Zhun's argument indicates, this aligns with Zheng Xuan's interpretation. Some say: "In the Zhou dynasty, when virtue and grace were harmonious, tall and lush wormwood was used as pillars for a palace, which was called Haogong. This was the Luqin of the Son of heaven." Lüshi Chunj 秋 says: "Thatched roofs, wormwood pillars, and earthen steps in three tiers." | ||
| 8 | 大享明堂: | 漢武帝元封五年，祠太一五帝於明堂上座，高皇帝對之。是時未以高祖配天，故言對也。光武以來乃配。牲以太牢。天子從昆侖道入。昆侖道，即依黃帝時制也。始拜明堂如郊禮。畢，燎堂下。其明堂制，從公玊帶所上黃帝時圖。其年四月，天子封泰山，泰山東北阯，有古時明堂處，處險不敞。上欲理明堂奉高旁，未曉制度。濟南人公玊帶上黃帝時明堂圖。上從之，作於汶上。 |
| In the fifth year of Yuangeng reign period of Emperor Wu of Han, sacrifices to Taiyi and the Five Emperors were conducted at the upper seat in the Mingtang, with Emperor Gaozu facing them. At that time, Emperor Gaozu had not yet been associated with Heaven as a counterpart, hence the term "facing" is used. The association began since Emperor Guangwu. A taolao (three sacrificial animals: ox, sheep, and pig) was used as the offering. The Son of Heaven entered via the Kunlun path. Kunlun Dao, was based on the system from the time of Emperor Huangdi. The first rites at the Mingtang were conducted in a manner similar to those at the suburban sacrifices. After completion, offerings were burned beneath the hall. The system of Mingtang followed the diagram from Gong Wudai's submission, which depicted the system of Emperor Huangdi's time. In that year in April, the Son of Heaven performed a feng ceremony on Mount Tai. To the northeast foot of Mount Tai was an ancient site of Mingtang, located in a perilous and enclosed place. The emperor wished to construct a Mingtang near Fenggao but had not yet understood the system. Gong Wudai, a native of Jinan, submitted a diagram of the Mingtang from Emperor Huangdi's time. The emperor followed his suggestion and built it in Wenshang. | ||
| 9 | 大享明堂: | 後漢光武建武三十年，初營明堂。明帝永平二年正月辛未，初祀五帝於明堂，光武帝配。五帝座位堂上，各處其方。黃帝在未，皆如南郊之位。光武位在青帝之南少退，西面。各一犢，奏樂如南郊。章帝元和二年二月壬申，宗祀五帝於孝武所作汶上明堂，光武帝配，如雒陽明堂禮。癸酉，更告祀高祖、太宗、世宗、中宗、世祖、顯宗於明堂，各一太牢。安帝延光三年，祀汶上明堂，如元和故事。其制度，建武初營明堂，上圓下方，法天地。八窗四閨，法八風四時。九室十二座，法九州，十二月。三十六戶，七十二牖。法三十六旬，七十二風。 |
| In the thirtieth year of Jianwu reign period of the Later Han, Emperor Guangwu first began planning for the Mingtang. On the Xinwei day of the first month (January 23, 69 AD) in the second year of Yongping reign period of Emperor Mingdi, sacrifices to the Five Emperors for the first time took place at the Mingtang, with the deified spirit of Emperor Guangwu as a counterpart. The Five Emperors occupied seats on the hall's upper platform, each located in their respective direction. Huangdi was positioned at Wei, all arranged according to the positions of the southern suburban sacrifices. Emperor Guangwu's position was slightly behind the south side of Qingdi, facing west. Each received one bull as offering, and music was performed in a manner similar to that at the southern suburban sacrifices. On the Renshen day of the second month (February 21, 85 AD) in the first year of Yuanhe reign period of Emperor Zhangdi, ancestral sacrifices to the Five Emperors took place at the Wenshang Mingtang built by Emperor Wu, with the deified Emperor Guangwu as counterpart, following the rites of Luoyang's Mingtang. On the Guiyou day, ancestral sacrifices were conducted for Emperor Gaozu, Taizong, Shizong, Zhongzong, Shizu, and Xianzong at the Mingtang, each receiving one taolao as offering. In the third year of Yanguang reign period of Emperor Andi, sacrifices were conducted at Wenshang's Mingtang following the precedent set during Yuanhe. Its system was established when planning for the Mingtang began in the early Jianwu period, with a round upper part and square lower base. Symbolizing Heaven and Earth. It had eight windows and four side rooms. Representing the Eight Winds and Four Seasons. Nine halls with twelve seats, symbolizing the Nine Provinces and Twelve Months. Thirty-six doors and seventy-two windows. Representing thirty-six weeks of ten days each, and the seventy-two winds. | ||
| 10 | 大享明堂: | 魏明帝太和元年正月丁未，宗祀文帝於明堂，以配上帝。祝稱天子臣某。 |
| In the first year of Taihe reign period of Wei Mingdi, on the Dingwei day of the first month (February 10, 227 AD), ancestral sacrifices were performed for Emperor Wendi at the Mingtang to be associated with Heaven. The prayer addressed the Son of Heaven as "Minister Mou." | ||
| 11 | 大享明堂: | 晉武帝泰始二年二月丁丑，宗祀文皇帝於明堂，以配上帝。又議明堂宜除五帝坐，同稱昊天上帝，各設一坐而已。摯虞議：「案：漢魏故事，明堂祀五帝。新禮云『五帝即上帝，帝即天也』，遂除五帝之位。又按仲尼稱『郊祀后稷以配天，宗祀文王以配上帝』。周禮『祀天旅上帝，祀地旅四望』。四望非地，則上帝非天，斷可識矣。又生為明王，沒則配五行，如太昊配木之例。此五帝者，配天之神，同兆之於四郊，報之於明堂。」十年十月，詔復明堂五帝位。時以五精帝佐天育物，前代相因，莫之或廢。 |
| In the second year of Taishi reign period of Jin Wu Di, on the Dingchou day of the second month (March 20, 266 AD), ancestral sacrifices were conducted for Emperor Wudi at the Mingtang to associate him with Heaven. It was further proposed that the five seats of the Five Emperors in the Mingtang should be removed, and all should be unified under the title Haotian Shangdi, with only one seat established for each. Zhi Yu argued: "According to Han and Wei dynasty precedents, the Mingtang was used to worship the Five Emperors. The New Rites state that 'the Five Emperors are Shangdi, and Shangdi is Heaven,' so the positions of the Five Emperors were removed. Furthermore, according to Confucius's statement: "The suburban sacrifice honors Houji as a counterpart to Heaven; the ancestral sacrifice honors King Wen as a counterpart to Shangdi." Zhou Li states: "Sacrifices to Heaven include offerings to Shangdi; sacrifices to Earth include offerings to the Four Directions." If the Four Directions are not Earth, then Shangdi cannot be Heaven—this is clearly discernible. Moreover, when a ruler was alive he was considered a sage king; after death, he would be associated with the Five Elements, as in the example of Taihao being linked to Wood. "These Five Emperors are deities who correspond with Heaven; they were honored in the four suburbs and later repaid through sacrifices at the Mingtang." In October of the tenth year, an imperial edict was issued to restore the positions of the Five Emperons in the Mingtang. At that time, it was believed that the Five Pure Emperors assisted Heaven in nurturing all things; previous dynasties had followed this tradition without interruption. | ||
| 12 | 大享明堂: | 東晉孝武帝太元十三年正月後辛，祀明堂。車服之儀，率遵漢制。出以法駕，服以袞冕。時孫耆之議：「郊以配天，故配之以后稷；明堂祀帝，故配之以文王。由斯言之，郊為皇天之位，明堂為上帝之廟。故徐邈以配之為言必有神主，郊為天壇，則明堂非文廟矣。」時議帝親奉，今親祀北郊，明年正月上辛祀昊天，次辛祠后土，後辛祀明堂。 |
| In January of the thirteenth year of Taiyuan reign period of Eastern Jin Emperor Xiaowudi, sacrifices were conducted at the Mingtang. The rituals concerning chariots and ceremonial attire generally followed Han dynasty systems. Processions were conducted with the full imperial entourage, and officials wore gǔnmiǎn (ceremonial robes and headdresses). At that time Sun Qi argued: "The suburban sacrifices associate with Heaven, hence Houji is associated as a counterpart; the Mingtang sacrifices to the Emperor, therefore King Wen is associated as a counterpart. From this statement, it follows that the suburban sacrifice represents the position of Huangtian (the Yellow Heaven), while the Mingtang serves as the temple for Shangdi. Therefore, Xu Miao argued that to associate a ruler with Heaven must involve the presence of a spirit tablet. If the suburban sacrifice is conducted on a heavenly altar, then the Mingtang cannot be considered an ancestral temple for sages." At that time, the emperor personally conducted sacrifices. Now he performed a personal sacrifice at the northern suburban altar; in the following year's first month, on the first Xin day, he sacrificed to Haotian (Heaven), on the second Xin day to Houtu (Earth), and on the third Xin day to the Mingtang." | ||
| 13 | 大享明堂: | 宋孝武大明五年，依漢汶上儀，設五帝位，太祖、文帝對饗。祭皇天上帝，鼎俎彝簋，一依太廟禮。堂制：但作大殿屋十二閒，無古三十六戶七十二牖，文飾雕畫而已。時有司奏：「伏尋明堂辟雍，制無定文，自漢暨晉，莫之能辨。周書云，清廟、明堂、路寢同制。鄭玄注禮，義生於斯。諸儒又云，明堂在國之陽，丙巳之地，三里之內。晉侍中裴頠以為尊祖配天，其義明著，廟宇之制，理據未分，直可為殿，以崇嚴祀。其餘雜碎，一皆除之。裴頠所奏，竊謂可安。國學之南，地寔丙巳，其牆宇規範，宜擬則太廟，唯十有二閒，以應一周之數。」六年正月，帝親奉明堂，祀祭五時帝，以太祖配。是用鄭玄義。 |
| In the fifth year of Daming reign period of Emperor Xiaowu of Song, following the Han dynasty Wenshang rites, positions for the Five Emperors were established, with Taizu and Emperor Wendi as counterparts in the sacrificial offerings. The sacrifice to Huangtian Shangdi included tripods, ritual stands, yi (vessels), and gui (bowls), all following the rites of Taitemiao. The structure of the hall: it merely consisted of a large hall with twelve bays, lacking the ancient system of thirty-six doors and seventy-two windows; only decorative carvings and paintings were added. At that time, officials submitted a report: "Upon investigation, the system of Mingtang and Biyong lacks fixed textual records; from Han to Jin dynasties, no one has been able to clarify it. Zhou Shu states that the Qingmiao (clear temple), Mingtang, and Luqin were constructed according to the same system. Zheng Xuan's annotations on the rites derived their meaning from this. Other Confucian scholars also said that the Mingtang was located to the southern side of the capital, in the Bing and Si area within three li. Jin dynasty Shizhong Pei Hui believed that honoring ancestors and associating them with Heaven was a clear and prominent principle, but the system for temple architecture lacked sufficient rationale; it was simply appropriate to construct a hall to honor the solemn rites. All other trivial details were entirely removed. Pei Hui's submission is secretly considered acceptable. To the south of Guoxue, the site is indeed in the Bing and Si direction. The walls and architectural standards should be modeled after Taitemiao, with twelve bays to correspond to the number of one complete cycle." In January of the sixth year, the emperor personally performed sacrifices at the Mingtang for the Five Seasonal Emperors, with Taizu as a counterpart. This followed Zheng Xuan's interpretation. | ||
| 14 | 大享明堂: | 齊高帝建元元年七月，祭五帝之神於明堂，有功德之君配。明堂制五室。時從王儉義。明帝崇昌元年，有司奏以武帝配。國子助教謝曇濟議：「按祭法禘郊祖宗，並列嚴祀。鄭玄注義，亦據兼饗。宜祖宗兩配，文武雙祀。」左僕射王晏議：「若用鄭玄祖宗通稱，則生有功德，沒垂尊稱，歷代配帝，何止於二？今殷薦上帝，允屬武帝，百代不毀，其文廟乎！」詔可。 |
| In July of the first year of Jianyuan reign period of Qi Gao Di, sacrifices to the spirits of the Five Emperors took place in the Mingtang; rulers with virtue and achievements were honored as counterparts. The system for the Mingtang consisted of five halls. At that time, Wang Jian's interpretation was followed. In the first year of Chongchang reign period of Mingdi, officials submitted a proposal to associate Emperor Wudi as counterpart. Guozizhujiao Xie Tanji argued: "According to the rites of sacrifice, the rituals for Di (ancestral worship), Jiao (suburban sacrifices), Zu (ancestors), and Zong (clan ancestors) are all conducted with solemn ceremonies. Zheng Xuan's annotated interpretation also supports the practice of combined sacrifices. Therefore, both ancestors and clan forebears should be honored as counterparts, with rites for both Wen (culture) and Wu (military) emperors conducted simultaneously." Zuo Puye Wang Yan argued: "If we follow Zheng Xuan's general designation of Zu and Zong, then rulers who had virtue and achievements in life would receive honored titles after death. Throughout history, how many emperors have been associated with the throne? Why should it be limited to just two?" "Now, when we offer sacrifices to Shangdi (Heaven), the honor rightly belongs to Emperor Wudi. His temple should remain undisturbed for a hundred generations—should this not be considered his ancestral temple?"! The imperial decree approved it. | ||
| 15 | 大享明堂: | 梁祀五帝於明堂，服大裘冕，樽以瓦，俎豆以純漆，牲以特牛，餚膳準二郊。若水土之品，蔬菜之屬，宜以薦。郊所無者，從省除。所配五帝，行禮自東階升，先春郊帝為始，止一獻清酒，停三獻及灌事。儀曹郎朱懴議：「祀明堂改服大裘。又以貴質，不應三獻。禮云：『朝踐用大樽。』鄭玄云：『大樽，瓦也。』『有虞氏瓦樽』。此皆是宗廟，猶以質素；況在明堂，理不容象樽也。郊祀貴質，器用陶匏，宗廟貴文，誠宜雕俎。明堂之禮，於郊為文，比廟為質，請改器用純漆，庶合文質之衷。舊儀，鬯灌求神，初獻清酒，次醽終醁。禮畢，太祝取俎上黍肉，當御前以授。且五帝天神，不可求之於地，二郊主祭，無授肉之禮。請停三獻灌鬯及授俎之法，止於一獻清酒。舊用太牢，按郊用繭栗，詩云祀文王於明堂，有『維牛維羊』。良由周監二代，其義貴文，明堂方郊，未為極質，故特用三牲。今斟酌百王，義存通典，蔬果之薦，雖符周禮，而牲牢之用，宜遵夏殷。請自今明堂牲用特牛。」從之。其堂制，十二年，毀宋太極殿，以其材構明堂十二閒，皆準太廟。以中央六閒安六天座，悉南向。東來第一青帝，五帝依次而列。五人帝配饗，在阼階，東上，北向。大殿後為小殿五閒，以為五佐室焉。帝曰：「明堂之祭五帝則是總義，在郊之祭五帝，則是別義。宗祀所配，復應有室，若專配一室，則義非配五；若皆配五，則成五位。以理而言，明堂無室。」朱懴以：「月令『天子居明堂左丢、右丢。』聽朔之禮，既在明堂，今若無室，則於義或闕。」帝又曰：「鄭玄義，聽朔必在明堂，此則人神混淆，莊敬道廢。春秋左氏傳云：『介居二大國之閒。』此云左右丢者，謂祀帝堂南，又有小室，亦號明堂，分為三處聽朔。既有三處，則有左右之義。在宮之內，明堂之外，人神有別，差無相干。」其議是非莫定，初尚未改。十二年，太常丞虞叹復引周禮明堂九尺之筵，以為「高下脩廣之數，堂崇一筵，故階高九尺。漢家制度，猶遵此禮」。於是毀宋太極殿，為明堂十二閒。 |
| In the Liang dynasty, sacrifices to the Five Emperors were conducted in the Mingtang. The emperor wore a grand fur robe and ceremonial headdress; earthenware was used for wine vessels, lacquered wooden 俎 and 豆 for ritual food offerings, and a single bull as the sacrificial animal. The delicacies and meals followed the standards of the two suburban sacrifices. Regarding items such as water and soil offerings, or vegetables and related produce, they should be presented in accordance with ritual requirements. Items not included in the suburban sacrifices should be omitted for simplicity. The Five Emperors honored as counterparts were approached in the rites by ascending from the eastern steps, beginning with the spring suburban deity. Only one offering of clear wine was made, and the threefold offerings and ritual pouring of wine were suspended. Yicao Lang Zhu Chan argued: "When performing sacrifices in the Mingtang, one should change into the grand fur robe. Moreover, due to its noble nature, threefold offerings are inappropriate. 隆重 The Rites state: "For the morning sacrifice, use large wine vessels." Zheng Xuan said: "Large wine vessels refer to earthenware." "The Youyu clan used earthenware for their wine vessels." These are all ancestral temple rituals, and yet they still use simple materials; how much more so in the Mingtang—there is no reason to use ornate wine vessels. Suburban sacrifices value simplicity, using ceramic and gourds as ritual vessels; ancestral temple rituals emphasize refinement, and thus carved 俎 are indeed appropriate. The rites of the Mingtang are more elaborate than those of the suburbs but simpler compared to ancestral temples. I request that ritual vessels be changed to purely lacquered ones, which would better align with the balance between form and substance. According to previous rituals, fragrant wine was poured to summon the spirits; first came clear wine, followed by light liquor and ending with strong liquor. After the rites were completed, the Taizhu priest took the millet meat from the 俎 on the altar and presented it before the emperor. Moreover, the Five Emperors are deities of Heaven; they cannot be summoned from the earth. The two suburban sacrifices focus on their worship and do not include a ritual for presenting meat. I request that the threefold offering, the pouring of fragrant wine, and the practice of presenting the 俎 be discontinued, limiting the ritual to a single offering of clear wine. Previously, the grand sacrifice (tai lao) was used; however, according to the suburban rites, only young livestock such as lambs and calves were offered. The Odes state that when Wenzhao sacrificed to King Wen in the Mingtang, it mentions "both oxen and sheep." This was likely because the Zhou dynasty observed the practices of two previous dynasties, valuing form and ceremony. The Mingtang rites were more elaborate than the suburban sacrifices but not as simple as their most basic forms; therefore, three sacrificial animals were specially used. Now, considering the practices of a hundred previous rulers and preserving the principles in general ritual records, while the offering of vegetables and fruits aligns with Zhou rites, the use of sacrificial animals should follow the customs of Xia and Yin. I request that from now on, a single bull be used as the sacrificial animal for Mingtang rituals." The proposal was accepted. Regarding the construction of the hall, in the twelfth year, the Song Taiji Palace was demolished and its materials used to build twelve bays for the Mingtang, all following the standards of the Taitemple. The central six bays housed the thrones of the Six Heavens, all facing south. In the east bay, first came the Green Emperor; the Five Emperors followed in order. The five human emperors honored as counterparts stood on the Zuo steps, arranged to the east with priority given there, facing north. Behind the main hall was a smaller hall of five bays, serving as the Five Assistant Halls. The emperor said: "Sacrifices to the Five Emperors in the Mingtang represent a comprehensive meaning, whereas sacrifices to them at the suburban altars signify distinct meanings. In ancestral worship, counterparts should also have their own halls; if only one hall is designated for a counterpart, then it would not fulfill the meaning of honoring all five. If each counterpart were to be honored in five halls, this would result in five positions. From a logical standpoint, the Mingtang should not have separate halls." Zhu Chan replied: "The Yue Ling states, 'The Son of Heaven resides in the left and right wings of the Mingtang.' Since the rites for receiving reports from officials take place within the Mingtang, if there are no separate halls now, then the meaning might be incomplete." The emperor further said: "According to Zheng Xuan's interpretation, receiving reports must take place in the Mingtang. This would result in a confusion between human and divine matters, leading to the neglect of solemn reverence. The Zuo Zhuan commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals states: "It is situated between two great states." Here, the terms 'left and right wings' refer to a small hall located south of the main temple for worshiping the Emperor. This is also called the Mingtang and is divided into three locations where reports are received. Since there are three locations, the concept of left and right naturally arises. These places lie within the palace but outside the Mingtang itself; thus, human and divine matters are distinct and do not interfere with each other." The debate over this issue remained unresolved, and initially no changes were made. In the twelfth year, Taichang Cheng Yu Tan again cited the Zhou Li's description of a nine chi long mat in the Mingtang hall and argued: "The height, length, and width measurements indicate that the hall was one mat high; therefore, the steps were nine chi tall. "The Han dynasty's system still followed this ritual." Thus, the Song Taiji Hall was demolished to construct a twelve-bay Mingtang hall. | ||
| 16 | 大享明堂: | 陳祀昊天上帝、五帝於明堂，牲以太牢，粢盛六飯，鉶羹蔬備薦焉。武帝以德帝配，文帝以武帝配，廢帝以文帝配。堂制，殿屋十二閒，中央六閒，依前代安六座。四方帝各依其方，黃帝居坤維，而配饗座依梁法。 |
| In the Chen dynasty, sacrifices to Huatian Shangdi and the Five Emperors were held in the Mingtang. A grand sacrifice (tai lao), six bowls of sacrificial grain, and a broth with vegetables were offered as part of the ritual. Emperor Wudi was honored alongside the Virtuous Emperor; Emperor Wendi was associated with Emperor Wudi; and the Deposed Emperor was linked to Emperor Wendi. The hall system consisted of a twelve-bay main hall, with six bays in the center where six thrones were placed according to previous dynasties. The Four Emperors occupied their respective directions; the Yellow Emperor resided in the Kunwei (southeast), and the thrones for honored counterparts followed the structural layout of the beams. | ||
| 17 | 大享明堂: | 後魏文帝太和十五年四月，經始明堂，改營太廟。遷洛之後，宣武永平、延昌中，欲建明堂，而議者或云五室，或云九室。至明帝神龜中，復議之，元叉執政，遂營九室，值代亂不成。宗配之禮，迄無所設。 |
| In April of the fifteenth year of Tahe reign period under Emperor Wendi of the Later Wei dynasty, construction of the Mingtang began, and renovation of the Taitemple was also initiated. After relocating to Luoyang, during the Yongping and Yanchang periods of Emperor Xuanwu, there was an intention to construct a Mingtang. However, those in debate proposed either five halls or nine halls. It was not until the Shenguī period of Emperor Mingdi that the discussion resumed. Yuan Cha, who held power at the time, decided to proceed with nine halls; however, due to political turmoil, it remained unfinished. The rites for honoring ancestral counterparts were never established. | ||
| 18 | 大享明堂: | 北齊採周官考工記為五室。 |
| The Northern Qi dynasty adopted the Zhou Gong Ji (Record of Craftsman) from the Rites of Zhou and constructed five halls. | ||
| 19 | 大享明堂: | 後周採漢三輔黃圖為九室。並竟不立。 |
| The Later Zhou dynasty followed the Han Sanfu Huangtu and built nine halls. However, neither system was ultimately established. | ||
| 20 | 大享明堂: | 隋文帝開皇十三年，議立明堂，繁役不就。終隋代，季秋祀五方上帝於雩壇上，其用幣各依其方。人帝各在天帝之左。太祖在太昊南，西向。五官在庭，各依其方。牲用犢十二。皇帝、太尉、司農行三獻禮於青帝及太祖。自餘有司助奠。五官位於堂下，行一獻禮。有燎。其省牲進熟，如南郊禮。時禮部尚書牛弘定議造明堂，將作大匠宇文愷依月令樣，重檐複屋，五房四達，丈尺規矩，皆有準憑。帝命有司規兆，方欲崇建，又命詳定，諸儒爭論，莫之能決。煬帝大業年中，愷又奏之，以佗役繁興，遂寢。 |
| In the thirteenth year of Kaihuang reign period under Emperor Wen of Sui, discussions began on constructing a Mingtang; however, due to excessive labor demands, it was not completed. Throughout the Sui dynasty, in the third month of autumn, sacrifices to the Five Directional Emperors were conducted on the Yu Altar. The use of ritual offerings followed their respective directions. The human emperors stood to the left of each heavenly emperor. Emperor Taizu was positioned south of Taihao, facing west. The Five Officials stood in the courtyard, each according to their respective direction. Twelve calves were used as sacrificial animals. The emperor, Taivuei, and Siniang conducted the threefold offering rites for the Green Emperor and Emperor Taizu. Other officials assisted in the offerings according to their duties. The Five Officials stood beneath the hall and performed a single offering rite. A sacrificial fire was lit. The inspection of the sacrificial animals and the preparation of cooked offerings followed the rites of the southern suburban sacrifice. At that time, the Minister of Rites Niuhong proposed constructing a Mingtang. Jianzu Dajiang Yuvwen Kai followed the model described in the Yue Ling, designing it with double eaves and multiple rooms, five chambers extending in four directions. All measurements and specifications were based on established standards. The emperor ordered officials to plan the site, intending to build it grandly. He also commanded a detailed review; however, Confucian scholars debated fiercely and could not reach a consensus. During the Daye period of Emperor Yangdi, Yuvwen Kai submitted another proposal; however, due to the heavy burden of other construction projects, it was ultimately abandoned. | ||
| 21 | 大享明堂: | 大唐武德初，定令：每歲季秋祀五方上帝於明堂，以元帝配，五人帝、五官並從祀。迄於貞觀之末，竟未議立明堂，季秋大享則於圜丘行事。高祖配圜丘及明堂北郊之祀，元帝專配感帝。自餘悉依武德令。 |
| At the beginning of the Wude period of the Great Tang dynasty, regulations were established: in each year's third autumn month, sacrifices to the Five Directional Deities would be held at the Mingtang, with Yuandi as counterpart. The five human emperors and the Five Officials also participated in the accompanying rites. Up until the end of the Zhenguan period, no decision was ever made to construct a Mingtang; thus, during the major autumn sacrifice in the third lunar month, rituals were conducted at the Huanqiu altar instead. Emperor Gaozu was honored as counterpart in both the Huanqiu and Mingtang sacrifices at the northern suburban rites, while Yuandi exclusively served as counterpart to Gendi. All other matters followed the Wude regulations. | ||
| 22 | 大享明堂: | 永徽二年，又奉太宗配祠明堂，有司遂以高祖配五天帝，太宗配五人帝。下詔造明堂，內出九室樣。堂三等，每等階各十二。上等方九雉，八角，高一尺。中等方三百尺，高一筵。下等方三百六十尺，高一丈二尺。上等象黃琮，為八角，四面安十二階。有司奏請從內樣為定：「堂之高下，仍請準周制高九尺，其方共作司約準二百四十八尺。中等下等並不用。又內樣室各方三筵，開四闥八窗。屋圓楣徑二百九十一尺。按季秋大享，各在一室，商量不便，請依兩漢季秋合享，總於太室。若四時迎氣之祀，則各於其方之室。其安置九室之制，增損明堂故事，三三相重。太室在中央，方六丈。其四隅之室，謂之左右房，各方二丈四尺。當太室四面，青陽、明堂、總章、玄堂等室，各長六丈，以應太室；闊二丈四尺，以應左右房。室閒並通巷，各廣丈八尺。其九室并巷在堂上，總方百四十四尺，法坤之策。屋圓楣、楯、檐，或為未允。請據鄭玄、盧植等說，以前梁為楣，徑二百一十六尺，法乾之策。圓柱旁出九室四隅，各七尺，法天以七紀。柱外餘基共作司約準面別各餘丈一尺。內樣：室別四闥八窗，檢與古合，請依為定。其戶仍外設而不閉。內樣：外有柱三十六，每柱十梁。內有七閒，柱根以上至梁高三丈，梁以上至屋峻起，計高八十一尺。上圓下方，飛檐應規，請依內樣為定。其蓋屋制，據考工記改為四阿，并依禮加重檐，準太廟安鴟尾。堂四向各依方色。請施四垣四門。辟雍，按大戴禮及前代說，辟雍多無水廣、內徑之數。蔡邕云『水廣二十四丈，四周於外，水外周隄』。又張衡東京賦稱『造舟為梁』。禮記明堂陰陽錄『水行左旋以象天』。水廣二十四丈，恐傷於闊，請減為二十四步，垣外量取周足。仍依故事造舟為梁，其外周以圓隄，并取陰陽『水行左旋』之制。按三輔黃圖，殿垣四周方在水內，高不蔽目，殿門準太廟南門去廟階遠近為制。仍立四門八觀，依太廟門別各安三門，施玄閫，四角造三重巍闕。」此後群儒紛競，各執異議，不定且止。 |
| In the second year of Yonghui, Emperor Taizong was again honored as counterpart in Mingtang sacrifices. Officials then designated Emperor Gaozu to be associated with the Five Heavenly Emperors and Emperor Taizongo with the Five Human Emperors. An imperial decree was issued ordering the construction of a Mingtang, along with an official model for nine halls provided by the court. The hall had three levels, each level having twelve steps. The uppermost level was nine zhi in width and length, octagonal in shape, with a height of one chi. The middle level measured 300 chi on each side and had a height equal to one mat (yán). The lowest level was 360 chi in width and length, with a total height of twelve chi. The uppermost level symbolized the yellow cong (a ritual jade artifact), shaped as an octagon, with twelve steps arranged on four sides. Officials submitted a proposal requesting that the internal model be adopted as final: "Regarding the height of the hall, we still request to follow the Zhou dynasty standard of nine chi. Its width should total 248 chi according to measurements provided by the relevant departments. The middle and lower levels would not be used." Additionally, the internal model specified that each room in the hall measured three mats on each side, with four doors and eight windows. The circular eaves of the roof had a diameter of 291 chi. Considering that in the major autumn sacrifice, each deity would be honored separately in one room, this arrangement was deemed inconvenient. It was therefore proposed to follow the practice of the Two Han dynasties for combined sacrifices during the third autumn month and conduct all rites together in the main hall (Tai Shi). However, if it was a seasonal rite to welcome the qi of each season, then sacrifices should take place separately in their respective directional rooms. The arrangement for the nine-hall system incorporated additions and modifications to historical Mingtang practices, with halls arranged three by three in overlapping layers. The main hall (Tai Shi) was located at the center, measuring six zhang on each side. The four corner rooms were called left and right chambers, each measuring two zhang and four chi in width and length. Facing the main hall on its four sides were rooms named Qingyang, Mingtang, Zongzhang, and Xuantang. Each measured six zhang in length to correspond with the main hall; they were two zhang and four chi wide, corresponding to the left and right chambers. The spaces between rooms were all connected by alleys, each eight chi wide. The nine halls and the connecting alleys together occupied a square area of 144 chi on each side, symbolizing the numerical pattern associated with Kun. However, some aspects such as the circular eaves, pillars, and overhanging parts of the roof were considered not yet fully approved. It was proposed to follow the interpretations of Zheng Xuan, Lu Zhi and others, regarding the front beam as the eave (mei), with a diameter of 216 chi, symbolizing the numerical pattern of Qian. Circular pillars extended from the sides to the nine halls and four corners, each measuring seven chi in diameter, following the celestial pattern of the Seven Schedules (Qi Ji). The remaining base outside the pillars was collectively used to form a standard measurement; each face had an additional one zhang and one chi. The internal model: Each room had four doors and eight windows, which were verified to be consistent with ancient records; it was requested that this design be adopted as the final standard. Its doors remained externally placed but left unfastened. Internal model: There were 36 external pillars, each supporting ten beams. Inside there were seven spaces between the pillars; from the base of the pillars to the beam was three zhang, and from the beam upward to the peak of the roof rose sharply, totaling a height of 81 chi. The structure had a circular top and square base, with overhanging eaves conforming to the prescribed pattern; it was requested that the internal model be officially adopted. 𝑙 The design of the roof covering, according to the Kao Gong Ji (Record of Artificers), was changed to a four-eave style. It also followed ritual requirements by adding an overhanging eave and installing a chiwei (a mythical beast-shaped finial) in accordance with the model used at the Taitemple. The four sides of the hall were each decorated according to their directional colors. It was requested that four walls and four gates be constructed. The Biyong: According to the Dai Dai Li (Grand Master's Rites) and interpretations from previous dynasties, there were often no specific measurements provided for the width of surrounding water or the inner diameter. Cai Yong stated: "The surrounding water should be 24 zhang wide, encircling the structure on all sides, with an embankment outside the water." Zhang Heng's Dongjing Fu (Ode to the Eastern Capital) also mentions: "Building a bridge of boats." The Yinyang Lu section of the Li Ji Mingtang records: "Water flows counterclockwise to symbolize Heaven." A water width of 24 zhang may be too broad; it is proposed to reduce it to 24 bu, with the surrounding wall measured accordingly for a complete circuit. It was still decided to follow historical precedent by constructing a bridge of boats, with a circular embankment surrounding the outer area. This design also incorporated the yin-yang principle that "water flows counterclockwise." According to the Sanfu Huangtu, the walls surrounding the hall were square and located within the water. Their height was not high enough to block one's view. The design of the hall gates followed the model of the southern gate of the Taitemple, with distances from the temple steps adjusted accordingly. Four gates and eight viewing towers were still established, following the Taitemple model by setting three gates for each main gate. Black thresholds (xuan kun) were installed, and at each of the four corners, triple-tiered grand watchtowers (wei que) were constructed." After this, scholars debated fiercely, each holding different opinions, and no final decision was reached. | ||
| 23 | 大享明堂: | 顯慶元年，禮官議，太宗不當配五人帝。太尉長孫無忌等議曰：「宗祀明堂，必配天帝，而伏羲五代，本配五郊，與入明堂，自緣從祀。今以太宗作配，理有未安。伏見永徽二年，追奉太宗，以遵嚴配。當時高祖先在明堂，禮司致惑，竟未遷祀。乃以太宗降配五人帝，雖復亦在明堂，不得對越天帝。謹按孝經『孝莫大於嚴父，嚴父莫大於配天。昔者周公郊祀后稷以配天，宗祀文王於明堂以配上帝』。又尋歷代禮儀，且無父子同配明堂之義。唯祭法云：『周人禘嚳而郊稷，祖文王而宗武王。』鄭玄注曰：『禘郊祖宗，謂祭祀以配食也。禘謂祭昊天於圜丘，郊謂祭上帝於南郊，祖、宗謂祭五帝五神於明堂也。』尋鄭此注，乃以祖宗合為一祭，又以文武共在明堂，連衽配祠，良為謬矣。故王肅駁曰：『古者祖有功而宗有德，祖宗自是不毀之名，非謂配食於明堂者也。審如鄭義，則經當言祖祀文王於明堂，不得言宗祀也。凡宗者，尊也。周人既祖其廟，又尊其祀，孰謂祖於明堂者乎？』鄭引孝經以解祭法，而不曉周公本意，殊非仲尼之義旨也。臣謹上考殷周，下洎貞觀，並無一代兩帝同配於明堂。伏惟高祖太武皇帝躬受天命，奄有神州，創制改物，體元居正，為國始祖，抑有舊章。太宗文武皇帝道格上玄，功清下黷，拯率土之塗炭，布大造於生靈，請準詔書，宗祀於明堂，以配上帝。」從之。 |
| In the first year of Xianqing, ritual officials deliberated that Emperor Taizong should not be paired with the Five Emperors. Grand Commandant Zhangsun Wuji and others argued: "When the ancestors are honored in the Mingtang, they must be paired with Heaven's Emperor. Fuxi of the Five Generations was originally associated with the five directional suburbs; his inclusion in the Mingtang naturally followed as a secondary offering." To now pair Emperor Taizong, however, is not logically sound. I have observed that in the second year of Yonghui, Emperor Taizong was posthumously honored to be paired with Heaven, following strict ritual protocol. At that time, the ancestors of Gaozu were already enshrined in the Mingtang; the ritual officials became confused and ultimately did not transfer their worship. Thus, Emperor Taizong was instead ranked below the Five Emperors; although he remained in the Mingtang as well, he could not directly correspond to Heaven's Emperor. We respectfully cite the Xiao Jing (Classic of Filial Piety): "The greatest expression of filial piety is to honor one's father with the utmost reverence, and the highest form of reverence for a father is to pair him with Heaven." "In ancient times, Duke of Zhou offered sacrifices at the suburban altar to Houji and paired him with Heaven; he honored King Wen in the Mingtang and paired him with Shangdi (the Supreme Deity)." Furthermore, examining the ritual practices of past dynasties, there is no precedent for father and son being paired together in the Mingtang. Only the Jifa (Rites of Sacrifice) states: "The Zhou people honored Ku at the di sacrifice and offered sacrifices to Ji at the suburban altar; they honored King Wen as ancestor and King Wu in the Mingtang." Zheng Xuan's commentary states: "Di, jiao, zu, and zong refer to sacrifices where deities are paired for worship." "Di refers to the sacrifice of Guang Tian (the Vast Heaven) at the round altar, jiao refers to sacrifices for Shangdi in the southern suburbs, and zu and zong refer to offerings made to the Five Emperors and five deities in the Mingtang." Upon examining Zheng Xuan's annotation, it appears that he combined zu and zong into a single sacrifice. Moreover, by placing King Wen and King Wu together in the Mingtang for joint worship, this interpretation is clearly erroneous. Therefore, Wang Su refuted this by saying: "In ancient times, zu referred to those with meritorious achievements and zong to those of virtue. Zu and zong are established names that should not be discarded; they do not refer to deities paired for worship in the Mingtang." If Zheng Xuan's interpretation were correct, then the Classic should state that King Wen was honored as zu in the Mingtang rather than being described as zong. Generally speaking, "zong" means reverence and respect. The Zhou people already honored their ancestors in the ancestral temple and revered them through sacrifices; who would say that zu refers to worshiping at the Mingtang?" 𝑙 Zheng Xuan cited the Xiao Jing to interpret the Jifa, yet failed to understand Duke of Zhou's original intent; this is far from Confucius' intended meaning. We respectfully examine the records, both tracing back to Yin and Zhou dynasties and down to the Zhenguan era; there is no precedent in any dynasty for two emperors being jointly paired at the Mingtang. We humbly consider that Emperor Gaozu Ta Wu, having personally received the Mandate of Heaven, ruled over all China. He established new systems and transformed society, embodying the fundamental principle and occupying a rightful position as the founding ancestor of the state; there are indeed precedents for this. Emperor Taizong Wenwu, whose virtue matches the Supreme Heaven and whose achievements have purified the world, rescued all lands from suffering and brought great creation to living beings. We respectfully request that according to imperial decree, he be honored in the Mingtang with ancestral rites, paired with Shangdi." The proposal was accepted. | ||
| 24 | 大享明堂: | 乾封初，仍祭五方上帝，依鄭玄義。司禮少常伯郝處俊議明堂，檢舊禮用鄭玄義，新禮用王肅義。詔依舊用鄭玄義。復議立明堂。左僕射于志寧等請為九室，太常博士唐昕等請為五室。高宗令於觀德殿依兩議張設，親與公卿觀議。上以五室為便，不定，又止。二年十二月，詔祀明堂感帝，高祖、太宗崇配，仍總祭昊天上帝及五天帝。三年三月，議定，下詔改元為總章，分萬年縣置明堂縣。 |
| In the early Qianfeng era, sacrifices to the Five Directional Emperors of Heaven were still conducted according to Zheng Xuan's interpretations. Shilǐ Shaichangbo Hao Chujun discussed the Mingtang, examining that old rituals followed Zheng Xuan's interpretations while new rituals adopted Wang Su's. The imperial decree decided to continue using Zheng Xuan's interpretation as before. A new discussion was initiated regarding the construction of a Mingtang hall. Left Pushe Yu Zhining and others proposed building nine rooms, while Taichang Bohu Tang Xin and others requested five rooms. Emperor Gaozong ordered that both proposals be displayed in the Guande Hall, where he personally observed and discussed them with ministers. The emperor found the five-room design more convenient but did not finalize it, and thus the matter was put on hold again. In the twelfth month of the second year, an imperial decree was issued to worship Emperor Gantian at the Mingtang, with Emperor Gaozu and Emperor Taizong honored as co-offered deities. The rites also included a combined sacrifice to Guang Tian Shangdi (Vast Heaven's Supreme Deity) and the Five Heavenly Emperors. In March of the third year, a decision was made; an imperial decree issued to change the era name to Zongzhang and established Mingtang Xian by dividing Wan Nian Xian. | ||
| 25 | 大享明堂: | 總章三年三月，具明堂規制，下詔：其明堂院，每面三百六十步，當中置堂。乾之策二百一十有六，坤之策百四十四，總成三百六十步。當中置堂，處二儀中，定三才之本。自降院每面三門，同為一宇，俳佪五閒。一周有四時，故四面各開門。時有三月，故每一所開三門。一年有十二月，故周迴十二門。又易三為陽數，二為陰數，合而為五，所以每門舍五閒。院四隅各置重樓，其四墉各依方色。按淮南子地有四維，故四角四樓。又有五方水火金木土，五方各異色，其牆各依本方之色。基八面。象八方。按周禮黃琮禮地。鄭玄注「琮者，八方之玉，以象地形」，故知地形八方。漢武帝立八觚壇以祀地，故今為八方之基以象之。高丈二尺，徑二百八十尺。陽律六，陰呂六，陰陽合，故今高丈二尺。易三為陽數，八為陰數，三八相乘，得二百四十。又漢書九會之數有四十，合為二百八十，所以階徑二百八十尺，通天地綜陰陽也。每面三階，周迴十二階，漢書天有三階，故每面三階；地有十二辰，故周十二階。每階二十五級。按文子，從凡至聖，有二十五等。基上一堂，其宇上圓。按道德經：「天得一以清，地得一以寧，王得一以為天下貞。」又曰：「道生一，一生二，二生三，三生萬物。」又漢書：「太極元氣，含三為一。」又曰：「天子以四海為家。」故置一堂以象元氣，并取四海為家之義。又周禮蒼璧禮天。鄭注「璧圓象天」，故宇上圓。堂每面九閒，各廣丈九尺。按尚書地有九州，又易陰數十，故閒別丈九尺。堂周迴十二門，一歲十二月也。每門高丈七尺，闊丈三尺。周易陰數十，陽數七，合為其高。又陽數五，陰數八，合為其闊。堂周迴二十四窗，天有二十四氣。窗高丈三尺，一年十二月并閏。闊丈一尺，天數一，地數十。櫺二十三，天數九，地數十，并四時。二十四明。八卦共二十四爻。堂心八柱，長五十五尺。按河圖八柱承天也。大衍之數五十有五，以為柱之長也。堂心之外，置四輔，天有四輔星。八柱四輔之外，第一重二十柱，天數五，地數十，并五行之數，合二十。第二重二十八柱，天有二十八宿。第三重三十二柱。漢書有八節、八政、八風、八音，四八三十二。外面周迴三十六柱。按漢書一期三十六旬。八柱之外，柱脩短總有三等，象三才。都合百二十柱。按禮記天子三公、九卿、二十七大夫、八十一元士，合為百二十。其上檻周迴二百四柱。易坤之策百四十有四，漢書九會之數有六十。重楣，二百一十六條。乾之策二百一十有六。大小節級栱，總六千三百四十五。按漢書會月之數六千三百四十五。重幹，四百八十九枚。漢書章月二百三十五，月閏二百五十四，總成四百八十九。下码，七十二枚。象七十二候。上码，八十四枚。漢書推九會之數有七十八。司馬彪注莊子云：「天地四方為六合。」總成八十四。枅，六十枚。按漢書推太歲之法有六十。連栱，三百六十枚。易一期之日，三百有六十。小梁，六十枚。象六十甲子。鲴，二百二十八枚。漢書章中二百二十八。方衡，一十五重。五行生數一十有五。南北大梁，二根。太極生二儀。陽馬，三十六道。易緯有三十六節。椽，二千九百九十根。按漢書，月法二千三百九十二，通法五百九十八，共成二千九百九十。大梠，兩重，重別三十六條，總七十二。按淮南子，太平之時，五日一風，一年七十二風。飛檐椽，七百二十九枚。漢書從子至午，其數七百二十九。堂檐，徑二百八十八尺。乾之策二百一十六，并七十二候之數。堂上棟，去階上面九十尺。天數九，地數十，以九乘十，當九十。四檐，去地五十五尺。大衍之數五十五。上以清陽玉葉覆之。淮南子曰「清陽為天」，今以清陽之色。詔下之後，猶詳議未決。後竟不立。 |
| In March of the third year of Zongzhang, detailed plans for the Mingtang were prepared and an imperial decree issued: The courtyard of the Mingtang should measure 360 bu on each side, with the hall placed at its center. The numerical pattern of Qian totals 216, and that of Kun totals 144; together they form the total of 360 bu. The hall was placed at the center, occupying the midpoint between the Two Instruments (Yi), establishing the foundation of the Three Talents." From the lower courtyard on each side there were three gates, all under one roof, with five spaces for passage. One cycle of a year consists of four seasons; therefore, doors were opened on each of the four sides. Each season has three months, hence three gates were opened at each location. A year consists of twelve months; therefore, there are a total of twelve gates around the perimeter. Additionally, in the Yijing (Book of Changes), three is an odd number representing yang, and two is an even number representing yin. Combined they form five; therefore, each gate had five spaces between pillars. At the four corners of the courtyard, double-story towers were built, and the four walls followed the directional colors accordingly. According to the Huainanzi, the earth has Four Corners; therefore, there are four towers at the four corners. Additionally, there are five directional elements—water, fire, metal, wood, and earth—each associated with a different color; the walls were accordingly painted in their respective elemental colors. The foundation had eight sides. Symbolizing the Eight Directions. According to the Zhou Li, a yellow cong was used in rituals for the earth deity. Zheng Xuan annotated: "A cong is an eight-sided jade object, symbolizing the shape of the earth," thus we understand that the terrain has eight directions. Emperor Wu of Han established an octagonal altar to worship the earth deity; therefore, today we construct a foundation with eight sides as a symbolic representation. The hall was 12 chi high and had a diameter of 280 chi. There are six yang lü (tones) and six yin lü; the combination of yin and yang totals twelve, hence today's height is 12 chi. In the Yijing, three represents a yang number, while eight represents a yin number; multiplying them gives 240. Additionally, according to the Hanshu (Book of Han), the nine gatherings totaled 40; adding this gives a total of 280. Therefore, the diameter of the steps is set at 280 chi, symbolizing communication between Heaven and Earth and integrating yin and yang principles. There were three steps on each side, totaling twelve around the perimeter; According to the Hanshu, Heaven has Three Stages (San Jie), hence there are three steps on each face; the earth has Twelve Earthly Branches, thus twelve steps in total around the perimeter. Each stairway had 25 steps. According to the Wuzi, from the ordinary to the sage, there are twenty-five levels. On top of the foundation was a single hall with a circular roof. According to the Daodejing: "Heaven attains unity and becomes clear; Earth attains unity and is at peace; a ruler attains unity and governs the world with integrity." It also states: "The Dao gives birth to One, from which arise Two; from Two arises Three, and from Three arise all things." Additionally, the Hanshu says: "Taiji is the primordial qi that contains the Three as One." It also states: "The Son of Heaven takes all under heaven as his home." Therefore, a single hall was built to symbolize the primordial qi and also reflect the meaning that "the Son of Heaven takes all under Heaven as his home." Additionally, according to the Zhou Li (Rites of Zhou), a blue bi was used in rituals for Heaven. Zheng Xuan annotated: "A bi is round, symbolizing Heaven," hence the roof above the hall was circular. Each side of the hall had nine spaces between pillars, each 1 zhang and 9 chi wide. According to the Shangshu (Book of Documents), there are nine provinces on earth; and in the Yijing, yin numbers total ten. Hence, each space is 1 zhang and 90 chi wide. The hall had twelve gates around its perimeter, symbolizing the twelve months of a year. Each gate was 1 zhang and 7 chi high, and 1 zhang and 3 chi wide. According to the Zhouyi, yin numbers sum to ten, yang numbers sum to seven; their combination determines its height. Also, yang numbers total five and yin numbers total eight, combining to determine its width. The hall had twenty-four windows around it, symbolizing the twenty-four solar terms in Heaven. Each window was 1 zhang and three chi high, representing the twelve months of a year plus an intercalary month. It was one zhang and one chi wide, Heaven's number is one, Earth's number is ten. The lattices numbered twenty-three, comprising Heaven's number nine, Earth's number ten, and the four seasons combined. Twenty-four clear openings. The Eight Trigrams together have twenty-four yao lines. In the center of the hall were eight pillars, each fifty-five chi long. According to the Hetu, the eight pillars support Heaven. The number of Dayan is fifty-five; it was used as the length of the pillars. Outside the center of the hall, four assistants were placed, symbolizing Heaven's Four Assistant Stars. Beyond the eight pillars and four assistants, in the first layer were twenty pillars, Heaven's number five plus Earth's number ten combined with the Five Elements' numbers totaling twenty. The second layer had twenty-eight pillars, symbolizing Heaven's Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions. The third layer had thirty-two pillars. According to the Hanshu, there are Eight Festivals, Eight Policies, Eight Winds, and Eight Tones; four times eight equals thirty-two. Outside were thirty-six pillars around the perimeter. According to the Hanshu, one cycle consists of thirty-six xun periods. Beyond the eight central pillars, the lengths and heights of all other columns were divided into three categories, symbolizing the Three Talents. In total there were 120 pillars. According to the Liji, the Son of Heaven has three Grand Ministers, nine senior officials, twenty-seven senior ministers, and eighty-one high-ranking scholars; altogether they total 120. Above it, the railing around the upper level had two hundred and four pillars. According to the Yijing, the number of strategies for Kun is 144; according to the Hanshu, the number associated with nine gatherings is sixty. The double beams had two hundred and sixteen strips. According to the Yijing, Qian's number is 216. The total number of large and small bracket sets was six thousand three hundred and forty-five. According to the Hanshu, this corresponds to the numerical value for a lunar gathering: 6,345. The double rafters totaled four hundred and eighty-nine pieces. According to the Hanshu: 235 months in a chapter, plus 254 intercalary months, totaling four hundred and eighty-nine. The lower supports totaled seventy-two pieces. Symbolizing the seventy-two solar terms. The upper supports totaled eighty-four pieces. According to the Hanshu: calculating the number for nine gatherings yields seventy-eight. Sima Biao, in his annotation of Zhuangzi, said: "Heaven and Earth with the Four Directions form the Six Directions." In total it becomes eighty-four. The dougong brackets totaled sixty pieces. According to the Hanshu: calculating the method for tracking the Tai sui yields sixty. The continuous brackets totaled three hundred and sixty pieces. According to the Yijing: one cycle has 360 days. The small beams totaled sixty pieces. Symbolizing the Sixty Jiazi cycles. The xue totaled two hundred and twenty-eight pieces. According to the Hanshu: 228 in a chapter. The fangheng had fifteen layers. According to the Five Elements, the generating numbers total fifteen. The two main north-south beams totaled two pieces. Taiji gives rise to the Two Instruments. The yangma totaled thirty-six tracks. According to the Yiwei, there are thirty-six sections. The rafters totaled two thousand nine hundred and ninety pieces. According to the Hanshu: the lunar method is 2,392 and the general method is 598; together they total two thousand nine hundred and ninety. The large eaves had two layers, each with thirty-six strips, totaling seventy-two in all. According to the Huainanzi: In times of peace and prosperity, there is one wind every five days; thus, in a year there are seventy-two winds. The projecting eave rafters totaled seven hundred and twenty-nine pieces. According to the Hanshu: from zi to wu, the number is 729. The diameter of the hall's eaves was two hundred and eighty-eight chi. According to Qian's number in the Yijing: 216, combined with the seventy-two solar terms' numbers. The ridgepole on top of the hall was ninety chi above the upper surface of the steps. Heaven's number is nine, Earth's number is ten; multiplying nine by ten gives ninety. The four eaves were fifty-five chi above the ground. The number of Dayan is 55. Above, it was covered with Qingyang yuye tiles. According to the Huainan Zi: "Qingyang is Heaven," and now its color represents Qingyang. After the imperial decree was issued, detailed discussions continued without a final decision. Later it was ultimately not built. | ||
| 26 | 大享明堂: | 武后臨朝，垂拱元年，有司議圜丘及南郊、明堂嚴配之禮。成均助教孔玄義奏議曰：「臣謹按孝經云：『孝莫大於嚴父，嚴父莫大於配天。』明配尊大之天，昊天是也。物之大者，莫大於天，推父比天，與之相配，行孝之大，莫過於此，以明尊嚴之極也。請奉太宗文武聖皇帝、高宗天皇大帝配昊天上帝於圜丘，義符孝經、周易之文也。神堯皇帝肇開王業，應天順人，請配感帝於南郊，義符大傳之文也。又孝經云『宗祀文王於明堂』。文王言祖，而云宗者，亦是通武王之義。請太宗、高宗配祭於明堂，義符周易及祭法之文。」 |
| 隆重 In the first year of Chongguo, during Empress Wu Zetian's regency, officials discussed the rituals for the round altar (huanqiu), southern suburbs, and Mingtang offerings to honor her. Kong Xuyi, an assistant teacher at the Chengjun Academy, submitted a proposal stating: "I respectfully cite the Xiao Jing (Classic of Filial Piety), which says: 'The greatest filial piety is to honor one's father; and honoring one's father most profoundly is to associate him with Heaven.'" To associate the honored and exalted Heaven, it refers to Haotian. The greatest among all things is Heaven; to elevate one's father and compare him with Heaven, matching them together, represents the highest expression of filial piety, demonstrating the utmost respect. I respectfully request that Taizong Wenwu Sheng Huangdi and Gaozong Tianhuang Dadi be honored alongside Haotian Shangdi at the round altar, as this aligns with the meanings in the Xiao Jing and Zhouyi. Shen Yao Huangdi initiated the imperial cause, responding to Heaven and following the people's will; I request that he be honored alongside Gandi at the southern suburbs, as this conforms with the meaning in the Dachuan. Additionally, the Xiao Jing says: "Offer sacrifices to King Wen in the Mingtang." Mentioning King Wen as an ancestor and referring to him with the term zong also implies including King Wu. I request that Taizong and Gaozong be honored in sacrifices at the Mingtang, as this is consistent with the Zhouyi and the Rites of Sacrifice." | ||
| 27 | 大享明堂: | 太子右諭德沈伯儀議曰：「謹按禮：『有虞氏禘黃帝而郊嚳，祖顓頊而宗堯。夏后氏亦禘黃帝而郊鯀，祖顓頊而宗禹。殷人禘嚳而郊冥，祖契而宗湯。周人禘嚳而郊稷，祖文王而宗武王。』鄭玄注云：『禘、郊、祖、宗，為祭祀以配食也。禘謂祭昊天於圜丘，祭上帝於南郊曰郊，祭五帝、五神於明堂曰祖、宗。』伏尋嚴配之文，於此最為詳備。得禮之序，莫上於周。禘嚳郊稷，不聞於二主；明堂宗祀，始兼於兩配。以文王、武王父子殊別，文王為父，上配五帝；武王對父，下配五神。孝經云：『嚴父莫大於配天，則周公其人也。昔者周公宗祀文王於明堂，以配上帝。』不言嚴武王以配天，則武王雖在明堂，理未齊於配祭；既稱宗祀，義獨主於尊嚴。雖同兩祭，終為一主。故孝經緯曰『后稷為天地主，文王為五帝宗』也。必若一神兩祭便，則五祭十祠，薦獻頻繁，實虧於數。此則神無二主之道，禮崇一配之義。竊尋貞觀、永徽，共遵專配；顯慶之後，始創兼尊。必以順古而行，實謂從周為美。高祖神堯皇帝請配圜丘、方澤。太宗文武聖皇帝請配南郊、北郊。高宗天皇大帝制禮作樂，告禪升中，率土共休，普天同賴，竊惟莫大之孝，理當總配五天。」 |
| Shen Boyi, the Right Instructor to the Crown Prince, proposed: "I respectfully cite the rites: 'The Youyu people honored Huangdi at the dì sacrifice and offered sacrifices to Ku in the southern suburbs; they honored Zhuanxu as ancestor and Yao as zong.'" The Xia Hou Shi also honored Huangdi at the di sacrifice and offered sacrifices to Gun in the southern suburbs, honored Zhuanxu as their ancestor and Yu as zong. The Yin people honored Ku at the di sacrifice and offered sacrifices in the southern suburbs to Ming, honored Qi as their ancestor and Tang as zong. "The Zhou people honored Ku at the di ceremony and offered sacrifices in the southern suburb to Ji, honored King Wen as their ancestor and King Wu as zong."' Zheng Xuan's annotation says: "Di, jiao, zu, and zong refer to sacrificial rites in which ancestors are honored alongside the deities." "Di refers to sacrificing to Haotian at the round altar; sacrificing to Shangdi in the southern suburbs is called jiao; and offering sacrifices to the Five Emperors and Five Deities in the Mingtang are referred to as zu and zong."' I have carefully examined the texts on honoring ancestors alongside deities, and this passage is the most detailed. The Zhou dynasty best exemplifies the order of rites. Honoring Ku and Ji in di and jiao sacrifices is not recorded for two emperors; the Mingtang zong sacrifice was the first to include offerings to both ancestors. King Wen and King Wu, as father and son, were distinct; King Wen, as the father, was honored alongside the Five Emperors; King Wu, in relation to his father, was associated with the Five Deities. The Xiao Jing says: "Honoring one's father most profoundly is to associate him as equal to Heaven; in this, it was Duke of Zhou who exemplified this. "In the past, Gong of Zhou honored King Wen at the Mingtang, associating him with Shangdi." It does not mention honoring King Wu as equal to Heaven, so although King Wu was honored in the Mingtang, he did not attain the same status as those offered sacrifices alongside deities; since it is called zong sacrifice, its meaning uniquely emphasizes reverence and dignity. Although they were part of the same two sacrifices, ultimately there was only one honored ancestor. Therefore, the Weiji of Xiao Jing says: "Hou Ji is the master of Heaven and Earth; King Wen is the ancestor of the Five Emperors." If one deity were to be honored in two sacrifices, then five sacrifices and ten ceremonies would result, with frequent offerings, which would actually diminish the proper number. This is the principle that a deity should have only one master, and the meaning of rites in upholding a single honored ancestor. I have examined the years of Zhenguan and Yonghui, during which both dynasties adhered to exclusive ancestral offerings; after Xianqing, they began to create a system honoring multiple ancestors. To act in accordance with ancient traditions is indeed considered admirable by following the Zhou model. Emperor Gaozu, Shenyao Huangdi, requested to be honored at the round altar and square marsh. Taizong Wenwu Sheng Huangdi requested to be associated with sacrifices in the southern and northern suburbs. Gaozong Tianhuang Dadi established rites and composed music, announced the abdication ceremony at Shengzhong, brought peace to all lands, and was relied upon by people across the heavens. I believe this is the greatest filial piety; it is only fitting that he be honored alongside the Five Heavens." | ||
| 28 | 大享明堂: | 鳳閣舍人元萬頃、范履冰等議：「謹按見行禮，昊天上帝等祠五所，咸奉高祖神堯皇帝、太宗文武聖皇帝兼配。今議者引祭法、周易、孝經之文，雖近稽古之詞，殊失因心之旨。伏據見行禮，高祖、太宗今既兼配五祠，當依舊無改。高宗在功烈而無差，豈祀配之有別。請奉歷配五祠。」從之。郊丘諸禮，皆以三祖俱配。 |
| Fu Ge Sharen Yuan Wanqing, Fan Lübing, and others proposed: "Carefully examining the currently practiced rites, there are five temples for Haotian Shangdi and others, all of which honor Emperor Gaozu Shenyao Huangdi and Emperor Taizong Wenwu Shenghuang together. Those who now cite passages from the Rites, Zhou Yi, and Xiao Jing may seem to be drawing on ancient sources, but they have missed the essential intent of adapting rites according to circumstances. According to current rites in practice, since Emperor Gaozu and Emperor Taizong are already jointly honored at the five temples, they should remain unchanged. Emperor Gaozong's achievements and merits are no less; how can there be a distinction in sacrificial honors? We request that he also be honored at the five temples." The proposal was accepted. All rites for jiao and qiu sacrifices included the three ancestors being honored together. | ||
| 29 | 大享明堂: | 至四年二月，毀東都之乾元殿，就其地造明堂。因下詔曰：「時既沿革，莫或相遵，自我作古，用適於事。今以上堂為嚴配之所，下室為布政之居。其制度異諸儀法，今不全載。來年正月一日，可於明堂宗祀三聖，以配上帝。」其月明堂成，號為萬象神宮。天授二年正月乙酉，日南至，親祀明堂，合祭天地，以周文王及武氏先考、先妣配，百神從祀，並於壇位次第布席而祀。武太后又於明堂後造佛舍，高百餘尺。始構，為大風振倒。又重營，其功未畢。證聖元年正月景申夜，佛堂災，延燒明堂，至明而盡。尋又無雲而雷起，自西北來。未幾，復令依舊規制重造明堂，凡高二百九十四尺，東西南北廣三百尺。上施寶鳳，俄以火珠代之。明堂之下，圍繞施鐵渠，以為辟雍之象。初為明堂，於堂後又為天堂五級，至三級則俯視明堂矣。未就，並為天火所焚。至重造，制度卑狹於前。為天堂以安大象，鑄大儀以配之。天堂既焚，鐘復鼻絕。至中宗，欲成武太后志，乃斷象令短，建聖善寺閣以居之。其明堂微於西南傾，工人以木於中柱之，不欲人見，因駕為九龍盤蚪之狀，其圓蓋上施一丈金鳳。至是改鳳為珠，群龍捧之。天冊萬歲二年三月，造成，號為通天宮。四月，又行親享之禮，大赦，改元為萬歲通天。明年九月，又享於通天宮。 |
| In February of the fourth year, the Qianyuan Hall in Dongdu was demolished, and its site was used to construct a Mingtang. An edict was then issued: "Since times have changed and practices evolved, none can be strictly followed; we must establish new precedents to suit current circumstances. Now the upper hall shall serve as the place for honoring ancestors alongside deities, while the lower chamber shall be used for administrative affairs. Its system differs from various ritual regulations; it is not fully recorded here. "On the first day of next year's first month, we may perform a zong sacrifice to the three saints in the Mingtang and associate them with Shangdi." That same month, the Mingtang was completed and named Wanxiang Shengu. On the Yiyou day of the first month in Tianshuo second year, when the sun was directly south (winter solstice), an imperial sacrifice was conducted at the Mingtang. Heaven and Earth were jointly honored, with King Wen of Zhou and ancestors and matriarchs of the Wu family as honored companions; a hundred deities were also included in the ceremony, all arranged on the altar according to their ranks for worship. Empress Wu Daju then built a Buddhist hall behind the Mingtang, over one hundred chi in height. When it was first constructed, a strong wind toppled it. It was rebuilt again, but the work was not yet completed. On the night of Jingshen day in the first month of Zhengsheng Yuan Nian, a fire broke out at the Buddhist hall and spread to the Mingtang; by dawn, it was completely destroyed. Soon after, thunder arose without clouds, coming from the northwest. Not long afterward, an order was given to rebuild the Mingtang according to its original specifications. It would be 294 chi high and 300 chi wide in all directions—east, south, west, and north. Originally a jeweled phoenix was placed on top; soon after, it was replaced by a fire pearl. Beneath the Mingtang were surrounding iron channels arranged to resemble the shape of Biyong (a ceremonial pool). Initially, when constructing the Mingtang, a five-level Tiandang was also built behind it; from the third level, one could look down upon the Mingtang. Before completion, both were destroyed by heavenly fire. When rebuilt later, its design was lower and narrower than before. A Tiandang (heavenly hall) was built to house a large elephant statue, and a grand instrument was cast to accompany it. After the Tiandang burned down, the bell's yoke was broken again. When Emperor Zhongzong came to power, he wished to fulfill Empress Wu's ambition and thus ordered the elephant statue shortened. He built a pavilion at Shengshan Temple for it to reside in. The Mingtang slightly tilted toward the southwest; workers inserted wooden supports into its central pillar, not wanting people to notice. They disguised it as a nine-dragon coiled pattern and placed a golden phoenix one zhang in height on top of the round canopy. At this time, they changed the phoenix into a pearl, held up by a group of dragons." In March of Tiance Wansui second year, it was completed and named Tongtian Gong. In April, the emperor personally performed the sacrificial rites again; a general amnesty was declared, and the era name was changed to Wansui Tongtian. The following year in September, another sacrifice was held at Tongtian Gong. | ||
| 30 | 大享明堂: | 中宗即位，神龍元年九月，親享明堂，合祭天地，以高宗配。季秋大享，復就圜丘行事，迄於睿宗之代。神龍元年，享昊天上帝於東都明堂，以高宗天皇大帝崇配。其儀亦依乾封故事。 |
| When Emperor Zhongzong ascended the throne, in September of Shenlong Yuan Nian he personally performed a sacrifice at the Mingtang and jointly honored Heaven and Earth with Emperor Gaozong as his companion. The grand autumn sacrifices were once again conducted at the round altar, continuing until the reign of Emperor Ruizong. In Shenlong Yuan Nian, Haotian Shangdi was honored at the Mingtang in Dongdu, with Emperor Gaozong Tianhuangdadi as his exalted companion. The ceremony also followed the precedent of Qianfeng. | ||
| 31 | 大享明堂: | 開元五年，行幸東都，將行大享之禮，以武太后所造明堂，有乖典制，遂拆，依舊造乾元殿。太常博士馮宗等奏議：「武太后建天樞太儀，乾元遺趾，興重閣層樓。人斯告勞，天實貽誡。煨燼甫爾，遽加脩立。今請削彼明堂，復乾元殿，則當宁無偏，人識其舊矣。」詔令所司，詳議奏聞。刑部尚書王志愔等議，咸以此堂所置，有乖典制，請改拆，依舊造乾元殿。從之。每臨御，依正殿禮。自是駕在東都，常以元日冬至於乾元殿受朝賀。季秋大享，依舊於圜丘行事。十年，復題乾元殿為明堂，而不行享禮。二十年，季秋，大享於明堂，祀昊天上帝，以睿宗配。又以五方帝、五官從祀。籩豆樽罍之數，與雩禮同。時起居舍人王仲丘建議曰：「顯慶禮，祀昊天上帝於明堂。準孝經『后稷配天，文王配上帝』，先儒以為天是感精之帝，即太微五帝，皆是星辰之例。且上帝之號，皆屬昊天，鄭玄引五帝。按周禮『王將旅上帝』，『祀五帝』，由此觀之，上帝、五帝，是有差別。又孝經『嚴父莫大於配天』，其下文即云『宗祀文王於明堂以配上帝』。鄭注云：『上帝者，天之別名。神無二主，故異其處。』孔安國云：『帝亦天也。』然則禋享上帝，有合經義。而五方皆祀，行之已久。今亦二禮並行，以成月令大享之義。」二十五年，駕在西京，詔將作大匠康锿素往東都毀之。锿素以毀拆費功，乃奏請且拆上層，但留下層以為正殿。從之。復依舊改為乾元殿。其大享儀，具開元禮。初，萬歲通天元年四月，鑄九鼎成，置於明堂之庭，各依四方列焉。蔡州鼎名永昌，高丈八尺，受千八百石。冀州鼎名武興，雍州鼎名長安，兗州鼎名日觀，青州鼎名少陽，徐州鼎名東原，揚州鼎名江都，荊州鼎名江陵，梁州鼎名成都。八州鼎各高一丈四尺，受千二百石。用銅五十六萬七百一十二斤。鼎上各寫本州山川物產之象，仍令著作郎賈應福、殿中丞薛昌容、鳳閣主事李元振、司農錄事鍾紹京等分題之，左尚令曹元廓畫。仍令宰相、諸王率南北宿衛兵十餘萬人，併杖內大牛、白象等共曳之。自玄武門外曳入，天后自制曳鼎歌詞，令曳者唱和焉。其時又造大儀鐘，斂天下貢金三品，竟不成。九鼎初成，令以黃金千兩塗之。納言姚籴諫曰：「夫鼎者神器，貴在質朴自然，無假別為浮飾。臣觀其狀，先有五彩輝煥錯雜其閒，豈待金色方為炫耀？」從之。開元二年八月，太子賓客薛謙光獻東都九鼎銘。其蔡州銘武后所制，文曰：「犧、農首出，軒、昊膺期。唐虞繼踵，湯禹乘時。天下光宅，域內雍熙。上玄降鑒，方建隆基。」紫微令姚崇等奏曰：「聖人啟運，休兆必彰。請宣付史館。」 |
| In Kaiyuan fifth year, the emperor traveled to Dongdu and was about to perform a grand sacrificial ceremony. Since the Mingtang built by Empress Wu did not conform to established ritual standards, it was demolished and replaced with the original Qianyuan Hall. Taichang Bohu Feng Zong and others submitted a proposal: "Empress Wu built the Tianshu Taiyi, on the site of Qianyuan's remains, raising up lofty pavilions and multi-storied towers. The people were burdened with labor; Heaven itself delivered a warning. Before the ashes had even cooled, they hastily rebuilt it again. We now request to remove that Mingtang and restore Qianyuan Hall; then the central hall will be properly aligned, and people will recognize its original form." An imperial edict ordered the relevant officials to carefully deliberate and submit a report. Minister of Punishments Wang Zhiyin and others deliberated, all agreeing that the construction of this hall deviated from established ritual standards. They requested its removal and the restoration of Qianyuan Hall according to original specifications. The proposal was accepted." Whenever the emperor held court, he followed the rites of a regular palace hall. From then on, whenever the imperial presence was in Dongdu, the emperor would receive New Year and winter solstice court greetings at Qianyuan Hall as usual. The grand autumn sacrifice continued to be conducted at the round altar according to tradition. In the tenth year, Qianyuan Hall was once again renamed Mingtang, but no sacrificial rites were performed there. In the twentieth year, during the autumn season, a grand sacrifice was held at the Mingtang to honor Haotian Shangdi, with Emperor Ruizong as his companion. The Five Emperors of Directions and the Five Officials were also included in accompanying sacrifices. The number of 笾, 豆, 尊, and 罍 was the same as that used in the Yu sacrifice rites. At this time, Wujusheren Wang Zhongqiu proposed: "According to the Xianqing rites, Haotian Shangdi should be honored at the Mingtang. According to Xiao Jing, 'Hou Ji is associated with Heaven, and King Wen with Shangdi.' Earlier scholars believed that Heaven refers to the deity of 感应 (influence), namely the Five Emperors in Taiwei, all examples of celestial bodies. Moreover, the title Shangdi belongs to Haotian; Zheng Xuan cited the Five Emperors. According to Zhou Li, "The king will travel to worship Shangdi," and "worship the Five Emperors." From this we can see that there is a distinction between Shangdi and the Five Emperors. Also, in Xiao Jing it says: "Honoring one's father is most profound when he is associated with Heaven," and the following text states, "In the Mingtang, King Wen was honored as an ancestor to be paired with Shangdi." Zheng Xuan annotated: "Shangdi is another name for Heaven. A deity should have only one ruler, so they are honored in different places." Kong Anguo said: "Di is also Heaven." If this is the case, then offering sacrifices to Shangdi aligns with classical teachings. Yet sacrifices have long been conducted for all five directions. Now both rites are practiced simultaneously to fulfill the meaning of the "Monthly Ordinances" grand sacrifice." In the twenty-fifth year, with the imperial presence in Xijing, an edict was issued ordering Kang Aisu, Grand Architect of Works, to travel to Dongdu and destroy it. Aisu argued that destruction would be costly in labor, so he submitted a request to first remove only the upper level and leave the lower level as the main hall. The proposal was accepted. It was once again restored and renamed Qianyuan Hall according to the original plan. The grand sacrificial rites are detailed in Kaiyuan Li (the Kaiyuan Rites). Initially, in April of Wansui Tongtian first year, nine tripods were cast and placed in the courtyard of the Mingtang, arranged according to the four directions. The tripod from Cizhou was named Yongchang; it stood eight chi tall and could hold 1,800 shi. The tripod for Ji Zhou was named Wuxing, that of Yong Zhou Chang'an, Yanzhou Riguang, Qingzhou Shaoyang, Xuzhou Dongyuan, Yangzhou Jiangdu, Jingzhou Jiangling, and Liangzhou Chengdu. The tripods for the eight states each stood four chi tall and could hold 1200 shi. A total of 567,712 jin of copper was used. On each tripod were inscriptions depicting the mountains, rivers, and local products of their respective states. The officials Zuo Shulang Jia Yingfu, Dianzhong Cheng Xue Changrong, Fengge Zhushishi Li Yuanzhen, Sinong Lushi Zhong Shaoting, and others were assigned to write these inscriptions, while Minister of Works Cao Yuankuo was responsible for the illustrations. The prime ministers and various princes were also ordered to lead more than 100,000 soldiers from the northern and southern palace guards, along with large oxen and white elephants inside the palace, to pull them. From outside Xuanwu Gate, they were dragged in; Empress Wu personally composed a song for the dragging ceremony and ordered those pulling to sing it together. At that time, they also attempted to cast a large ritual bell, collecting three grades of tribute gold from across the empire, but it was ultimately not completed. When the nine tripods were first completed, an order was given to coat them with 1000 taels of gold. Nayuan Yao Di advised, "The tripod is a sacred object; its value lies in its natural and simple form. It should not be adorned with unnecessary embellishments." "I have observed their appearance, and they already display a dazzling array of colors. Why must we further gild them to make them shine?" The suggestion was accepted. In August of Kaiyuan second year, Xue Qianguang, a guest official to the Crown Prince, presented inscriptions for the nine tripods in Dongdu. The inscription on the Cizhou tripod was composed by Empress Wu, and read: "Xi and Nong first emerged; Xuan and Hao were destined to rule." "Tang and Yu followed in succession; Tang and Yu seized the right moment." "The world is brightly governed, and within its borders peace and prosperity reign." "The Supreme Deity descended to observe; thus was the great foundation established." Ziwei Ling Yao Chong and others presented a report, saying: "When a sage begins to bring about an era of prosperity, auspicious omens must become evident." "We respectfully request that this be recorded in the official historical records." |
《朝日夕月 - Worshipping the Sun and Moon 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 朝日夕月: | 周 漢 魏 晉 齊 後魏 後周 隋 大唐 |
| Zhou Han Wei Jin Qi Houwei Houzhou Sui Datang | ||
| 2 | 朝日夕月: | 周制，以柴祀日月星辰。鄭眾云：「實牲體於柴上。日者，陽精，屬天；月者，陰精，屬地。陰道挈制於陽，故月屬天而從於陽，有同實柴之義。」日壇曰王宮，月壇曰夜明。牲幣俱色赤，樂與祭五帝樂同，禮神之玉以珪璧。珪璧，邸為璧，取殺於上帝。殺，色界切。王搢大珪，執鎮珪，繅藉五采五就，以朝日。王朝日者，示有所尊，訓人事君也。王者父天而母地，兄日而姊月，故常以春分朝日，秋分夕月，況人得不事耶！君子履端於始，舉正於中，故本二分也。王服玄冕，所以尚質。自朝至暮，行祭之禮。先以牲幣於柴上而燔之，升煙於天，以同五帝之儀。凡祭日月，歲有四焉。迎氣之時，祭日於東郊，祭月於西郊，一也；二分祭日月，二也；祭義云「郊之祭，大報天而主日，配以月」，三也；月令十月祭天宗，合祭日月，四也。但四氣之時，有分有合。二分之日祭，謂分也。大報天而主日，以月配之，是合也。大報配祭之時，日燎於壇，月埋於坎，瘞埋之時自血始，燔燎之時自氣先。合為大祭，分為中祭。郊特牲云「大報天而主日」。其禮宜重，用犢。分祭宜輕，輕則用少牢。拜日於東郊，拜月於西郊者，此因而祭於郊也。郊特牲大報之時，掃地而祭，燔柴而郊，就陽位也。祭法分祭之時，王宮祭日，夜明祭月，以少牢，在壇上，不於地也。至時於二祭所用珪玉，亦無差別。覲禮，拜日於東門之外，此會同以春也。禮日於南門外，禮月於北門外。此謂會同以夏、秋、冬。變拜言禮者，容祀也。祀月於北郊者，太陰之精，以為地神也。若王巡狩會盟，燔柴升煙以祭日，是君自以君道而祭陽也。方伯之會盟，則瘞埋以祭月，是臣自以臣道而祭陰。 |
| The Zhou system stipulated that sacrifices of firewood be made to the sun, moon, stars, and constellations. Zheng Zhong said: "Place the actual sacrificial animal's body on top of the firewood." The sun is yang essence and belongs to heaven; the moon is yin essence and belongs to earth. Yin follows yang in regulation, so the moon belongs to heaven but follows yang; this carries the same meaning as placing offerings on firewood." The altar for the sun is called Wanggong, and the altar for the moon is called Yeming. Both the sacrificial animals and offerings are of red color; the music used is the same as that for the Five Emperors, and jade in the form of gui and bi is used to worship the deities. Gui and bi: di was made into bi, a lesser offering than that for Shangdi. Shai, pronounced Sejie Qie. The king wore a large gui jade and held the zhen gui jade; he used five-colored silk coverings arranged in five layers to worship the sun at dawn. The king's ritual of worshipping the sun demonstrates respect for something higher, serving as instruction for human subjects regarding their ruler. The king regards heaven as his father and earth as his mother, the sun as his elder brother and the moon as his older sister; therefore, he regularly worships the sun at the spring equinox and the moon at the autumn equinox. How much more so should people serve their ruler! A junzi establishes proper conduct from the beginning, upholds righteousness in the middle; hence, the two equinoxes are fundamental. The king wore a xuan mian headdress, which signified reverence for simplicity and substance. From morning until evening, the rituals of sacrifice were performed. 缕 First, sacrificial animals and offerings were placed on top of firewood and burned; smoke was thus sent upward to heaven, following the same rites as those for the Five Emperors. There are four sacrifices to the sun and moon each year. During the ritual of welcoming the seasonal qi, the sacrifice for the sun was held at the eastern suburbs and that for the moon at the western suburbs; this is one instance. The sacrifices to the sun and moon on the two equinoxes, this is the second instance; The Rites of Sacrifice states, "the suburban sacrifice is a great offering to heaven with the sun as its main deity and the moon as its companion," this is the third instance; The Yue Ling records that in the tenth month, sacrifices to Tianzong were made with combined offerings for the sun and moon; this is the fourth instance. However, during the four seasonal qi periods, there are both separate and combined sacrifices. The sacrifices on the days of the two equinoxes refer to the separated offerings. The great sacrifice to heaven with the sun as the main deity and the moon accompanying it refers to a combined offering. During the great sacrifice with accompanying offerings, the sun was burned on the altar while the moon was buried in a pit; when burying and concealing sacrifices, it began from the blood, whereas when burning for the sun, it started with the offering of qi. Combined offerings constitute major rituals, while separated ones are medium-level sacrifices. The Jiao Te Sheng states, "the great sacrifice to heaven is primarily for the sun." This ritual should be given greater importance and a calf should be used. Separate sacrifices are of lesser importance; when the offering is lighter, it uses a minor sacrifice with fewer animals. Offering bows to the sun at the eastern suburbs and to the moon at the western suburbs refers to performing sacrifices in the suburbs accordingly. During the major sacrifice of Jiao Te Sheng, the ground was swept for worship and firewood burned in the suburbs; this was done to approach the yang position. During separate sacrifices, when performing rites for the sun at Wanggong and for the moon at Yeming, minor sacrifices were used; these took place on altars without being conducted directly on the ground. As to the gui jade and other ritual jades used in both sacrifices at those times, there was also no difference." The Jinning Rites involved bowing to the sun outside the eastern gate. This gathering took place in spring. Rituals for the sun were performed outside the southern gate, and those for the moon outside the northern gate. This refers to gatherings in summer, autumn, and winter. Changing the term from "bowing" (bai) to "ritual offering" (li) indicates a sacrificial rite for lesser deities or spirits. Offering sacrifices to the moon in the northern suburbs refers to its status as taiyin essence, regarded as a deity of earth. If the king conducted inspections and held alliances, he burned firewood to send up smoke as an offering to the sun; this signified that the ruler personally performed rites for yang in accordance with his role. When Fangbo officials held alliances, they buried sacrifices to worship the moon; this signified that subjects performed rites for yin in accordance with their subordinate role." | ||
| 3 | 朝日夕月: | 漢武帝立二十八年，始郊太一，朝日夕月，改周法。其後常以郊泰畤，質明，出行竹宮，東向揖日。其夕，西向揖月。即為郊日月，又不在東西郊，遂朝夕常於殿下東面拜日。群公無四朝之事。 |
| In the twenty-eighth year of his reign, Emperor Wu of Han first performed a suburban sacrifice to Taiyi, worshipped the sun at dawn and the moon at dusk, thereby altering the Zhou system. Thereafter, he regularly performed sacrifices in the Taichi suburbs; at first light, he would leave for the bamboo palace and bow eastward to greet the sun. That evening, he faced west and bowed to the moon. Although these were sacrifices for the sun and moon, they did not take place in the eastern or western suburbs; instead, he regularly bowed to the sun facing east from beneath the palace. The ministers had no duties related to these four sacrificial occasions. | ||
| 4 | 朝日夕月: | 魏文帝詔曰：「天子拜日東門之外，禮方明也。而漢儀煩褻似家人之事，非尊天之道。」黃初二年正月乙亥，朝日於東門之外。而正月，非二分之義。祕書監薛靖論云：「按周禮朝日無常日，鄭玄云用二分。秋分之時，月多東升，西向拜之，背實遠矣。朝日宜用仲春之朔，夕月宜用仲秋之朏。」淳于睿駁之，引禮記云「祭日於東，祭月於西，以端其位」。周禮秋分夕月，並行於上代。西向拜月，雖如背實，亦猶月在天而祭之於坎，不復言背也。猶如天子東西遊幸，其堂之官及拜官，猶北向朝拜，寧得以背實為疑？ |
| Emperor Wen of Wei issued an edict stating: "The Son of Heaven bows to the sun outside the eastern gates, following the rites for Fangming. However, Han dynasty rituals were overly complicated and informal, resembling family matters rather than proper reverence toward heaven." On the Yihai day of the first month (January 23, 221 AD), in the second year of Huangchu, he worshipped the sun outside the eastern gate. Yet January was not aligned with the meaning of the equinoxes. Xue Jing, Director of the Secretariat, argued: "According to the Rites of Zhou, there is no fixed date for worshipping the sun; Zheng Xuan stated that it should be done on the equinoxes. At the time of the autumn equinox, the moon often rises in the east; bowing westward to it is far from its actual position. Worshipping the sun should be done on the first day of mid-spring, and worshipping the moon on the day after new moon in mid-autumn." Chunyu Rui refuted this, citing the Book of Rites: "The sun is sacrificed to in the east and the moon in the west, to establish their proper positions." The Rites of Zhou specify that on the autumn equinox one should worship the moon, a practice followed by previous dynasties. Facing west to bow to the moon may seem as if one is turning away from it, but since the moon resides in heaven and is sacrificed by being buried in a pit, this should no longer be described as "turning away." It is like the Son of Heaven traveling east or west; his officials and those performing bows still face north to pay homage. How can one question this as turning away from reality? | ||
| 5 | 朝日夕月: | 明帝太和元年二月丁亥朔，朝日於東郊。八月己丑，夕月於西郊。始得古禮。 |
| On the first day of the second month, Dinghai (February 13, 477 AD), in the first year of Taihe under Emperor Mingdi, he worshipped the sun at the eastern suburbs. On the Jichou day of the eighth month (September 12, 477 AD) he performed a moon sacrifice at the western suburbs. This was finally in accordance with ancient rites. | ||
| 6 | 朝日夕月: | 晉因之。武帝太康二年，有司奏：春分朝日，寒溫未適，不可親出。詔曰：「頃方難未平，今戎事已息，此禮為大。」遂親朝日。 |
| The Jin dynasty followed this practice. In the second year of Taikang under Emperor Wu, officials submitted a report: On the spring equinox when worshipping the sun, the temperature was still too cold or warm to be suitable for the emperor's personal attendance. The edict stated: "Recently, there were difficulties yet to be resolved; now that military affairs have ceased, this rite is of great importance." He thus personally performed the ritual for worshipping the sun. | ||
| 7 | 朝日夕月: | 齊末東昏侯永元元年，何佟之議：「王者兄日姊月，馬、鄭用二分，盧植用立春。佟之以為日者太陽之精，月者太陰之精。春分陽氣方永，秋分陰氣向長。天地至尊，故用其始，而祭以二至；日月次天地，朝敬故以二分，差有理據，則融、玄得義矣。今損漢儀，上採周禮春分之義，又無諸侯之事，無所出於東郊，今正殿即朝會行禮之廷，宜常以春分正殿之廷拜日。其夕月文不分明。佟之謂魏代所行，善得與奪之衷。今請以春分朝於殿廷西，東向而拜日；秋分夕於殿廷東，西向而拜月。此所謂正於日月以端其位。服無旒藻之飾，蓋本天至質，朝日不得同昊天至質之禮，故以玄冕三旒。近代祀天，服袞冕十二旒，極文章之美，則是古今禮變。禮天朝日，服宜有異，頃代天子小朝會，服絳紗袍、通天金博山冠，斯即今朝之服次袞冕者也。竊謂宜服此拜日月，甚得差降之宜。」 |
| In the first year of Yongyuan under Donghun Hou, the last ruler of Qi, He Tongzhi proposed: "The king regards the sun as an elder brother and the moon as an older sister; Ma and Zheng used the equinoxes, while Lu Zhi used the Beginning of Spring. Tongzhi believed that the sun is taiyang essence and the moon taiyin essence. On the spring equinox, yang qi begins to grow stronger; on the autumn equinox, yin qi starts to increase. Heaven and earth are most exalted, so their beginning is marked by the solstices; thus, sacrifices should be performed on these days; The sun and moon follow heaven and earth in rank; therefore, showing reverence through the equinoxes is reasonable. With this distinction based on logic, Rong and Xuan's interpretations are justified. Now, by discarding Han dynasty rituals and adopting the Zhou rites' meaning of worshipping on the spring equinox—without involving feudal lords or requiring a sacrifice at the eastern suburbs—the main hall where audiences are held should be used for this purpose. It is appropriate to regularly perform the rite of bowing to the sun in the court's central hall on the day of the spring equinox. The text regarding the evening moon sacrifice was not clearly defined. Tongzhi considered that the practices of the Wei dynasty appropriately balanced acceptance and rejection, capturing the essence well. Now I propose that on the spring equinox one should bow to the sun from west of the palace court, facing east; on the autumn equinox perform a moon sacrifice at the eastern side of the palace court and face west to bow. This is what is meant by aligning with the sun and moon to establish their proper positions. The headdress should not include the elaborate decorations of liu and zao; this is because heaven's essence is pure, and worshipping the sun cannot be on par with the most sacred rites for Shangdi. Therefore, a xuan mian with three tassels was used. In recent times, when sacrificing to heaven, the Son of Heaven wore a gǔn mian headdress with twelve tassels, representing the utmost in ceremonial splendor; this demonstrates how rites have changed from ancient to modern times. When performing rites to heaven and worshipping the sun, one's attire should differ. In recent times, for minor audiences or court gatherings of the Son of Heaven, officials wore crimson gauze robes and Tongtian Jinboshan hats; these were considered ceremonial garments second only to the gǔn mian in rank. I secretly believe that this attire should be worn for bowing to the sun and moon, which would greatly align with the appropriate distinctions." | ||
| 8 | 朝日夕月: | 後魏孝文帝太和十五年，詔曰：「近論朝日夕月，皆以二分之日，於東西郊行禮。然月有餘閏，行無常準。今若一以分日，或值月出於東，而禮於西，尋情即禮，不可施行。昔曹魏薛靖以為朝日取月一日為朔，夕月三日為朏。朔者月形始著。今未知朏朔二分，何者為是？」游明根等對曰：「考按舊式，準校眾議，宜從朏月。」 |
| In the fifteenth year of Taihe under Emperor Xiaowen of Later Wei, an edict was issued: "Recently, discussions on worshipping the sun at dawn and moon at dusk have proposed performing these rites on the days of equinoxes in the eastern and western suburbs. Yet the moon has extra months due to intercalation, making its timing irregular. If we strictly follow the equinox dates for these rites, there may be instances when the moon rises in the east but is worshipped in the west; such a practice would contradict both reason and ritual propriety, making it unsuitable to implement. In former times, Xue Jing of the Cao Wei dynasty believed that worshipping the sun should take place on the first day when the moon appears as a new crescent, and sacrificing to the moon three days later when it becomes visible. The "shuo" refers to the initial appearance of the moon's shape becoming clearly visible. Now, we do not know whether the correct practice is to follow the new crescent or equinox—what is the right approach?" You Minggen and others replied: "After examining past precedents and considering various opinions, we believe it is appropriate to follow the practice of sacrificing on the day when the moon becomes visible (fei yue)." | ||
| 9 | 朝日夕月: | 後周以春分朝日於國東門外，為壇，如其郊。用特牲、青珪有邸。皇帝乘青輅，及祀官俱青冕，執事者青弁。司徒亞獻，宗伯終獻。燔燎如圜丘。秋分夕月於國西門外，為壇於坎中，方四丈，深四尺。燔燎禮如朝日也。 |
| Later Zhou performed the rite of worshipping the sun on the spring equinox outside the eastern gate of the capital, building an altar similar to that used for suburban sacrifices. A single sacrificial animal and a green gui jade with a base were used. The emperor rode in a green-drawn carriage, and both the ritual officials and the emperor wore green mian headdresses; those assisting in the rites wore green bians. The Sikou (Minister of Works) performed the second offering, while the Zongbo (Minister of Rites) made the final offering. The firewood was burned in a manner similar to that at the circular altar for heaven sacrifices. On the autumn equinox, a moon sacrifice was performed outside the western gate of the capital; an altar was built in a pit measuring four zhang on each side and four chi deep. The firewood-burning ritual followed the same procedures as that for worshipping the sun. | ||
| 10 | 朝日夕月: | 隋因之。開皇初，於國東春明門外為壇，如其郊。每以春分朝日。又於國西開遠門外為坎，深三尺，廣四丈；為壇於坎中，高一尺，廣四尺。每以秋分夕月。牲幣與周同。 |
| The Sui dynasty followed this practice. In the early Kaihuang era, an altar was built outside Chuming Gate in the eastern part of the capital, following the pattern used for suburban sacrifices. Each year on the spring equinox they worshipped the sun. They also dug a pit outside Kaiyuan Gate in the western part of the capital, three chi deep and four zhang wide; an altar was built inside the pit, one chi high and four chi wide. Each year on the autumn equinox they performed a moon sacrifice. The sacrificial animals and offerings used were the same as those of the Zhou dynasty. | ||
| 11 | 朝日夕月: | 大唐二分朝日夕月於國城東西，各用方色犢。備開元禮。 |
| In the Datang dynasty, on the two equinoxes they worshipped the sun in the east and the moon in the west of the capital city, each time using calves colored according to directional symbolism. The Kaiyuan Rites were fully prepared. |
《禋六宗 - Offering Sacrifices to the Six Ancestors 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 禋六宗: | 虞 周 漢 後漢 魏 晉 後魏 |
| Yu Zhou Han Houhan Wei Jin Houwei | ||
| 2 | 禋六宗: | 虞書云：「禋于六宗。」 |
| The Book of Yu says: "Offer sacrifices to the Six Ancestries." | ||
| 3 | 禋六宗: | 周制，祀昊天上帝，大裘而冕，祀五帝亦如之。又云「以禋祀祀昊天上帝」。 |
| According to Zhou dynasty regulations, when offering sacrifices to Shangdi, the Supreme Deity of the Vast Heaven, one wore a great fur robe and a ceremonial headdress; sacrifices to the Five Emperors were also conducted in the same manner. It is also said: "Offer sacrificial rites to Shangdi, the Vast Heaven's Supreme Deity." | ||
| 4 | 禋六宗: | 漢興，於甘泉汾陰立壇，禋六宗。平帝元始中，王莽、孔光等奏曰：「祀典，功施於人則祀之。天文日月星辰，所昭仰也；地理山川海澤，所生殖也。易有八卦，乾坤六子，水火不相逮，雷風不相悖，山澤通氣，然後能變化，既成萬物。是日月雷風山澤，易卦六子之尊氣，所謂六宗也。星辰水火溝瀆，皆六宗之屬。」 |
| When the Han dynasty rose to power, altars were established at Ganquan and Fenyin for offering sacrifices to the Six Ancestors. During the Yuanshi period of Emperor Ping, Wang Mang, Kong Guang, and others presented a memorial stating: "According to ritual regulations, those who have rendered service to the people should be honored with sacrifices. Celestial phenomena such as the sun, moon, and stars are what we revere and look up to; the geography of mountains, rivers, seas, and marshes is where life is nurtured. The Book of Changes contains the Eight Trigrams: Qian and Kun, along with their six sons. Water and fire do not hinder each other; thunder and wind do not contradict one another; mountains and marshes exchange breaths—only then can transformation occur, giving rise to all things. Thus, the sun, moon, thunder, wind, mountains, and marshes represent the esteemed energies of the Six Trigrams in the Book of Changes; these are known as the Six Ancestors. Stars, water, fire, ditches and canals—all belong to the category of the Six Ancestors." | ||
| 5 | 禋六宗: | 後漢安帝元初六年三月庚辰，初立六宗，祀天地四方之中於洛陽西北戌亥之地，比於太社。時司空李郃奏曰：「按尚書『禋於六宗。』漢興，亦不廢。今宜復舊制。」馬融曰：「萬物非天不覆，非地不載，非春不生，非夏不長，非秋不收，非冬不藏。禋於六宗，此之謂也。」鄭玄曰：「禋，煙也。取其氣達升，報於陽也。」孔安國曰：「精意以享謂之禋。宗，尊也。所尊祭其祀有六：埋少牢於太昭，祭時；相近於坎壇，祭寒暑；王宮，祭日；夜明，祭月；幽禜，祭星；雩禜，祭水旱。是為六宗。」 |
| On the Gengchen day of the third month, the sixth year of Yuanchu during Emperor An's reign of the Later Han dynasty (March 10, 113 AD), the Six Ancestors were first established. Sacrifices to heaven and earth and the four directions were conducted at the northwest Xiu Hai location in Luoyang, comparable to the Grand Earth Altar. At that time, Sikong Li He presented a memorial stating: "According to the Book of Documents, 'Offer sacrifices to the Six Ancestors.'" The Han dynasty also did not abolish this practice. Now is the time to restore the old system." Ma Rong said: "All things would not be covered without heaven, not supported without earth, not born without spring, not grow without summer, not harvested without autumn, and not stored without winter. Offering sacrifices to the Six Ancestors refers precisely to this." Zhang Xuan said: "Yin means smoke. It is taken to signify the rising of its energy, offering a report to Yang." Kong Anguo said: "Offering with sincere intent is called yin. Zong means reverence. There are six objects of veneration and sacrifice: burying a lesser sacrificial offering at Taizhao for the time of sacrifice; near the Kan altar, sacrifices were made to cold and heat; at Wanggong, sacrifices were offered to the sun; at Yeming, sacrifices were made to the moon; at Youying, sacrifices were offered to stars; and at Yu Ying, sacrifices were made for drought and water. These are the Six Ancestors." | ||
| 6 | 禋六宗: | 魏明帝立六宗，祀六子之卦。明帝疑其事，以問王肅，亦以為六子之卦，故不廢矣。景初二年，改祀太極中和之氣。時大議其神，散騎常侍劉邵以為：「萬物負陰而抱陽，沖氣以為和，六宗者，太極沖和之氣，為六氣之宗者也。虞書謂之六宗。」時從其議。 |
| Emperor Ming of Wei established the Six Ancestors, offering sacrifices to the Trigrams representing the six sons. Emperor Ming doubted this matter and asked Wang Su, who also believed it referred to the six sons' trigrams; thus, the practice was not abandoned. In the second year of Jingchu (238 AD), sacrifices were changed to honor the central and harmonious energy of Taiji. At that time, there was a major discussion about the deity. Sanqi Changshi Liu Shao believed: "All things carry yin and embrace yang, with the intermingling of energies to achieve harmony; the Six Ancestors represent the central and harmonious energies of Taiji, serving as the origin of the six energies. They are referred to as the 'Six Ancestors' in the Book of Yu." At that time, his proposal was followed." | ||
| 7 | 禋六宗: | 晉初，罷其祀。時司馬彪表云「六宗之禮，不應特立」。新禮遂廢。後復立六宗祀，因魏舊事。時摯虞奏：「按舜受終，禋於六宗，漢魏相仍，著為貴祀。凡崇禮百神，放而不致，有其舉之，莫敢廢也。宜定新禮，祀六宗如舊。」從之。 |
| In the early Jin dynasty, these sacrifices were discontinued. At that time, Sima Biao stated in a memorial: "The rites for the Six Ancestors should not be established separately." The new ritual was thus abolished. Later, the worship of the Six Ancestors was re-established, following the old practices from the Wei dynasty. At that time, Zhi Yu presented a memorial: "According to records of Shun's succession, sacrifices were offered to the Six Ancestors; the Han and Wei dynasties continued this practice, establishing it as an honored rite. Whenever we honor a hundred deities with great rituals, they are revered but not summoned; once such rites have been initiated, none dare to abandon them. We should establish new rituals and worship the Six Ancestors as before." The proposal was accepted. | ||
| 8 | 禋六宗: | 後魏明元泰常三年，立六宗祀，皆有別兆，祭有常日，牲用少牢。至孝文太和十三年，詔祀天皇大帝及五帝之神於郊天壇。時大議禋祀之禮。高閭曰：「六宗之祀，議者不同，凡十一家，莫能詳究。遂相因承，別立六宗之兆，總為一位而祭之。」帝曰：「尚書稱『肆類上帝，禋於六宗』，文相連屬，理似一事。上帝稱肆而無禋，六宗言禋而不別其名。以此推之，上帝、六宗當是一時之祀，非別祭之名。肆類非獨祭之目，禋非地祀之用。六宗者，必是天皇大帝及五帝之神。是祭帝之事，故稱禋；以闕其地，故稱六宗。一祭也，互舉以成之。今祭圜丘，五帝在焉，其牲幣俱禋，故稱肆類上帝，禋於六宗。一祭而祀備焉。六祭俱備，無煩別立。」 |
| In the third year of Taichang during Emperor Mingyuan's reign of the Later Wei dynasty (418 AD), sacrifices to the Six Ancestors were established, each with separate designated altars. Sacrifices took place on fixed days, and offerings consisted of a lesser sacrificial set. By the thirteenth year of Tahe during Emperor Xiaowen's reign (489 AD), an edict was issued to worship Tianhuang Dadi and the spirits of the Five Emperors at the altar for sacrifices to heaven. At that time, a major discussion took place regarding the rites of sacrificial offerings. Gao Lü said: "Regarding the sacrifices to the Six Ancestors, there are differing opinions among scholars; altogether eleven schools of thought have emerged, none of which can thoroughly clarify the matter. Thus, they followed each other's views and separately established altars for the Six Ancestors but ultimately combined them into a single altar for worship." The emperor said: "The Book of Documents states, 'Offer sacrificial rites to the Supreme Deity and perform yin sacrifices for the Six Ancestors'; these texts are connected, suggesting they refer to a single matter. The term 'Shangdi' is mentioned with 'si' but not with 'yin,' while the Six Ancestors are associated with 'yin' without their names being specified separately. From this, it can be inferred that Shangdi and the Six Ancestors must have been part of a single sacrificial rite at one time, not separate names for distinct sacrifices. 'Si lei' is not the name of an exclusive sacrifice, and 'yin' is not a rite specifically used for earth worship. The Six Ancestors must refer to Tianhuang Dadi (the Celestial Emperor) and the spirits of the Five Emperons. This is a rite for worshipping the emperor, hence it is called yin; the name 'Six Ancestors' was used because their specific locations were omitted. It is a single sacrifice, described in different terms to complete the meaning. Now, when sacrifices are offered at the round altar (huanqiu), the Five Emperors are included; their sacrificial animals and offerings are all part of yin rites. Hence, it is said: 'Offer four types of sacrifices to Shangdi and perform yin for the Six Ancestors.' One sacrifice encompasses all the rites. All six sacrifices are already included, so there is no need to separately establish additional ones." | ||
| 9 | 禋六宗: | 試評曰：「虞書：『肆類於上帝，禋於六宗，望於山川，遍於群神。』漢以王莽等奏日月、星辰、山川、海澤、六子之卦為六宗者，按周禮『以實柴祀日月星辰』，則星辰非六宗矣。卦是物象，不應祭之。後漢馬融以天地四時為六宗者，禮無禋地與四時之義。孔安國言寒暑日月水旱為六宗者，於理又乖。鄭玄以星辰、司中、司命、風師、雨師為六宗者，並是星質，不應更立風師、雨師之位。魏劉邵以沖和之氣六氣宗之者，氣先於天，不合禋天之下。氣從天有，則屬陰陽。若無所受，何所宗之？其閒有張迪以六代帝王，張髦以宗廟三昭三穆等，並不堪錄。後魏孝文帝以天皇大帝、五帝為六宗，於義為當。何者？按周禮『以禋祀昊天上帝』，則禋祀在祀天，不屬別神。又司服云『祀昊天上帝，大裘而冕，祀五帝亦如之』。昊天、五帝乃百神之尊，宗之，義也。或難曰：『書既云類上帝，何更言禋者？』此敘巡狩祀禮之次矣。將出征，肆類也。禋宗，遍祀六天也。何以肆類之文而迷都祀之禮乎！」 |
| A commentary states: "The Book of Yu records: 'Offer four sacrificial rites to Shangdi; perform yin sacrifices for the Six Ancients; make distant offerings to mountains and rivers; and extend them to all deities.' The Han dynasty, following the memorial of Wang Mang and others, regarded the sun, moon, stars, mountains, rivers, marshes, and the trigrams representing the six sons as the Six Ancestors; however, according to the Rites of Zhou: "Offer sacrifices with solid wood for the sun, moon, and stars," it is clear that the stars are not part of the Six Ancestors. Trigrams represent symbolic images of things and should not be objects of worship. Ma Rong of the Later Han considered heaven, earth, and the four seasons as the Six Ancestors, but there is no ritual basis for offering yin sacrifices to earth or the four seasons. Kong Anguo's view that cold, heat, sun, moon, water, and drought constitute the Six Ancestors is also inconsistent with reason. Zhang Xuan regarded stars, Sizhong (the official of the center), Siming (the official in charge of fate), Fengshi (wind deity), and Yushi (rain deity) as the Six Ancestors—but these are all stellar entities; it is inappropriate to separately establish positions for Fengshi and Yushi. Liu Shao of the Wei dynasty considered the central harmonious energy as the six ancestral energies, but this view places qi before heaven, which contradicts the principle that yin sacrifices should be offered under the authority of heaven. Since qi originates from heaven, it belongs to the realm of yin and yang. If there is nothing to receive or represent them, what can be considered their ancestor? Among these views, Zhang Di proposed the six dynasties' emperors as the Six Ancestors and Zhang Mao suggested three zhaomu (ancestors) and three muming (descendants) from ancestral temples; all of these are unsuitable for record. Emperor Xiaowen of the Later Wei considered Tianhuang Dadi and Five Emperors as the Six Ancestros, which is appropriate in terms of meaning. Why? According to the Rites of Zhou: "Offer yin sacrifices to Shangdi, Supreme Deity of Vast Heaven," it is clear that yin sacrifices are part of heaven worship and do not belong to any other deity. Moreover, the Rites of Costume state: "When offering sacrifices to Shangdi of Vast Heaven, wear a great fur robe with ceremonial headdress; when sacrificing to the Five Emperors, it is also done in the same way." Shangdi of Vast Heaven and the Five Emperors are the most revered among all deities; to venerate them as ancestors is in accordance with ritual principles. Some may object: "Since the Book of Documents already mentions 'si le Shi Di,' why does it also mention yin?" This is a description of the order in which sacrificial rites are conducted during imperial tours. Before departing on a campaign, one performs 'si lei' sacrifices. Offering yin to the Ancestors means making widespread sacrifices to the Six Heavens. How can one confuse the text about 'si lei' with the rites of universal worship!" |
《大鲮 - Da Ling 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 大鲮: | 夏 殷 周 秦 漢 魏 東晉 宋 後周 隋 大唐 |
| Xia Yin Zhou Qin Han Wei Dongjin Song Houzhou Sui Datang | ||
| 2 | 大鲮: | 鲮之義，鲮字亦從虫昔。今取祭義，故從示。自伊耆之代，而有其禮。古之君子，使之必報之，是報田之祭也。其神神農，初為田事，故以報之。或云「神農即伊耆也」。若爾，則神農初為田事，不可自祭為先穡。此說非。又云：神農、伊耆一代總號，其後子孫為天子者，始鲮祭其先祖造田者，故有先穡。樂以塊桴土鼓。明堂位曰：「土鼓、塊桴、葦籥，伊耆之樂也。」鲮也者索也，合聚萬物而索享之。萬物有功加於人者，祭之以報，造者配之也。或云「堯亦伊耆氏」。按尚書云「堯崩，四海遏密八音」。則塊桴土鼓非堯代樂明矣。伊耆乃堯以前之天子也。 |
| Ling zhi yi, Ling zi yi cong chong xi. Now taking the meaning of sacrifice, hence it follows "shi." Since the time of Yiqi, there has been such a ritual. Ancient gentlemen, when they sent someone, would certainly repay them; this is the sacrifice for repaying farmland. Its deity is Shennong, who initially undertook farming matters, so people sacrificed to him in return. Some say "Shennong is Yiqi." If so, then Shennong initially undertook farming matters and could not have sacrificed to himself as the first harvest deity. This claim is incorrect. It is also said: Shennong and Yiqi were a single title for the same generation. Later, when their descendants became emperors, they began to sacrifice to their ancestors who had first cultivated farmland; thus, there was the sacrifice of Xiane. Music was played with wooden sticks and earth drums. Mingtangwei says: "Earth drums, wooden sticks, and reed flutes are the music of Yiqi." Ling is also Suo; it brings together all things and offers them for enjoyment. Those among the myriad things that have contributed benefits to people are sacrificed to in return, and their creators are honored alongside them. Some say "Yao was also a member of the Yiqi clan." According to the Shangshu, it says: "After Yao's death, all four seas ceased the eight kinds of music for mourning." Therefore, it is clear that wooden sticks and earth drums were not musical instruments from Yao's era. Yiqi was an emperor before Yao. | ||
| 3 | 大鲮: | 夏后氏更名曰嘉平。廣雅曰：「嘉，善也。平，成也。」以歲終萬物成就而報其功。 |
| The Xia Hou Shi dynasty changed its name to Jiaping. Guangya says: "Jia means good or virtuous. Ping means completion." To repay their contributions as all things are completed and achieved at the end of the year. | ||
| 4 | 大鲮: | 殷更名曰清祀。廣雅曰：「清潔而祭祀也。」據廣雅，則夏曰清祀，殷曰嘉平。今按風俗通及蔡邕章句耳。未詳孰是。 |
| The Yin dynasty changed its name to Qingsi. Guangya says: "Qing means purity and cleanliness in sacrifice." According to Guangya, then the Xia dynasty called it Qingsi, while the Yin dynasty called it Jiaping. Now according to Fengsu Tong and Cai Yong's zhangju. It is unclear which one is correct. | ||
| 5 | 大鲮: | 周因之，復名大鲮。天子之鲮，故曰大鲮。以歲十二月，建亥月。合聚萬物而索享之。春官宗伯以匧辜祭四方百物，匧牲跄而磔之為鲮焉。崔靈恩云：「鲮祭用少牢，行一獻之禮。」匧音普逼切。其祭以主日也。主日，其光明，天之神可見者，著莫大焉。易曰：「縣象著明，莫大於日月。」配以月，餘百神從祀於下。所鲮之神有八：一曰先穡，二曰司穡，先穡，若神農，為主。司穡，后稷，為佐。三曰農，農，田畯也。鄭眾曰：「田畯，古之先教田者。」爾雅曰：「畯，農夫也。」四曰郵表畷，謂田畯於田井畔相連之所，造田舍焉，為郵亭屋宇，督約百姓之處。五曰貓、虎，所以迎貓，為食田鼠也。迎虎，為食田豕也。鼠豕能為田害，故迎貓虎之神而祭焉。六曰防，防所蓄水，亦以障水。七曰水墉，水墉，溝也。一云似池，所以受水，亦以洩水。八曰昆蟲。昆蟲，暑生寒死，螟螽之屬，能為穀害。索鬼神而致百物，百物者，謂五方嶽鎮、海瀆、山林、川澤、丘陵、墳衍、原隰、井泉等，以其能興雲致雨，有功而益於人者。其動物，則羽、臝、毛、鱗、介、四靈等。用六奏之樂。大司樂云：「一變而致羽物及川澤之祇，再變而致臝力果切物及山林之祇，三變而致鱗物及丘陵之祇，四變而致毛物及墳衍之祇，五變而致介物及土祇，六變而致象物及天神。」變猶更也。樂成則更奏之。六奏而禮畢。東方之祭用太蔟姑洗，南方蕤賓，西方夷則無射，北方用黃鍾為均焉。每奏有所感，致和以來之。凡動物敏疾，地祇高下之甚者易致，羽物既飛又走，川澤有孔竅者，蛤蟹，走遲，墳衍孔竅則小：是其所以為舒疾之分。土祇，原隰及平地之神也。象物，有象在天，所謂四靈：麟、鳳、龜、龍。又云「鲮則㈲豳頌擊土鼓」。豳頌即七月穫稻作酒之頌。謂之頌者，以其言歲終人功之成。八鲮以記四方，四方，方各有祭。四方年不順成，八鲮不通，以謹人財也。其方穀不熟，則不通於鲮焉，使人謹於財用。順成之方，其鲮乃通，以移音異人也。移之言羨也。詩頌豐年曰：「為酒為醴，烝畀祖妣，以洽百禮。」此其羨之餘也。移，以豉切。服以皮弁素服而祭。素服，以送終也。葛帶榛杖，喪殺。殺，色界切。送終喪殺，所為息老物也。素服，衣裳皆素。又云「黃衣黃冠而祭，息田夫也。祭，謂既鲮，臘先祖五祀。於是勞農以休息之。以伊耆氏初為鲮，故立官以名焉，而掌其事，備其杖函。論語曰「黃衣狐裘」。野夫黃冠黃冠草服」。言祭以息人，服象其時物之色。季秋而草木黃落也。又云大羅氏之職掌，鳥獸皆入大羅氏。月令孟冬之月，命有司修祭禽之禮是也。其執貢者戴草笠而至，尊野服也。「既鲮而收，人息已。故既鲮，君子不興功」。收謂收斂積聚也。息人之祭與鲮不同。則黃衣黃冠而祭是臘也。建亥之月，報萬物，息老休農，又各燕會。故子貢觀於鲮，謂孔子曰：「一國之人皆若狂，賜未知其樂。」言以謹禮儀為序，今恣情飲酒，載號載呶，未知其樂。孔子曰：「百日之勞，一日之澤，非爾所知也。」言此是報人一年勞苦，今一日歡休，故恣其醉，君子之恩澤也。其祝曰：「土反其宅，水歸其壑，昆蟲無作，草木歸其澤。」 |
| The Zhou dynasty followed this tradition and renamed it Daling. Since it was the emperor's sacrifice, it is called Daling. It took place in the twelfth month of the year, the tenth lunar month. Gather all things together and offer them for enjoyment. In spring, the official of Zongbo from the Chuguan department offered sacrifices to the four directions and myriad things with qiegu; qiegu refers to placing sacrificial animals on a frame and dismembering them for sacrifice. Cui Lingen said: "The Daling sacrifice used Xiao Lao, and performed the rite of one offering." Qie is pronounced Pubi Qie. This sacrifice was conducted on the day of the zhu. The "zhu ri" is a day when light prevails; it is the most prominent and visible manifestation of heavenly deities. Yi Zhuan says: "Hanging images to show clarity, nothing is greater than the sun and moon." The moon was paired with it, while other deities of myriad kinds were sacrificed beneath. The gods sacrificed in the Daling ritual numbered eight: first was Xiane, second was Si'e. Xiane is like Shennong and serves as the principal deity. Si'e refers to Houji, who served as the assistant deity. Third was Nong; Nong is Tianjun. Zheng Zhong said: "Tianjun refers to the ancient ones who first taught farming." Er Ya says: "Jun means a farmer." Fourth was Youbiaofu; this refers to Tianjun building farm houses at the edges of fields and wells, constructing post stations and dwellings as places to supervise and manage the common people. Fifth were Mao (cats) and Hu (tigers); these were offered in sacrifice to welcome cats, as they eat field rats. Welcoming tigers was for the purpose of consuming wild boars that damage farmland. Rats and boars can cause harm to fields, so the deities of cats and tigers were welcomed and sacrificed to. Sixth was Fang; Fang refers to reservoirs for storing water, also used as barriers against floods. Seventh was Shuiyong; Shuiyong means ditches. One interpretation says it resembles a pool, used to receive water and also to drain it. Eighth was Kunzhong (insects). Kunzhong refers to creatures that are born in the heat and die in the cold, such as locusts and grasshoppers, which can damage grains. To summon gods and spirits to bring forth myriad things; the "myriad things" refer to the five great mountains, sacred peaks, seas, rivers, forests, streams, hills, plains, lowlands, wells, springs, etc., as they can produce clouds and rain, contributing benefits to people. Among the moving creatures are those with feathers, bare skin, fur, scales, shells, and the Four Spirits, etc. The music of six performances was used. The Da Si Yue said: "With the first transformation, feathered creatures and spirits of rivers and lakes are summoned; with the second transformation, hairless creatures and forest spirits are summoned; with the third transformation, scaled creatures and hill spirits are summoned; with the fourth transformation, furry creatures and plain spirits are summoned; with the fifth transformation, shelled creatures and earth spirits are summoned; and with the sixth transformation, elephantine creatures and heavenly deities are summoned." "Bian" means "change" or "alteration." When the music is completed, it is played again. The ritual was concluded after six performances of the music. Sacrifices in the east used Taicu and Guxian, those in the south used Ruibin, those in the west used Yize and Wushè, and those in the north used Huangzhong as their tonal standard. With each performance of music, there was a response; harmony was achieved to summon them. Generally, moving creatures that are quick and sensitive, as well as earth spirits with great elevation differences, are easily summoned. Feathered creatures can both fly and run; those in rivers and lakes have holes or cavities, such as clams and crabs, which move slowly. The holes on plains and lowlands are small: this is why they differ in speed of response. Earth spirits refer to the deities of original marshes and flat lands. Xiangwu refers to things with symbolic forms in heaven, so-called Four Spirits: Qilin, Fenghuang, Guizu, and Long. It is also said that "During the Daling ritual, there was a performance of Bin Song with earth drums." Bin Song refers to the ode about harvesting rice and making wine in July. It is called a "song" because it speaks of the completion of human efforts at the end of the year." The eight Daling sacrifices were used to record the four directions; each direction had its own sacrifice. If the harvest in any of the four directions was not bountiful, then the eight Daling sacrifices would not proceed smoothly, to ensure careful management of human resources and wealth. If the grain in a certain region did not mature, then it would not be included in the Daling sacrifice, to remind people to be cautious with their use of resources. In regions where harvests were bountiful and successful, the Daling sacrifice would proceed smoothly, to transform Yi people. "Yi" means envy or admiration. The Ode to a bountiful year in the Shi says: "Make wine and sweet liquor, offer them abundantly to ancestors and matriarchs, to harmonize all rites." This is the remainder of their admiration. Yi, pronounced Chiqie. The attire for the ritual was a pi bian cap and plain clothing. Plain clothing is worn to send off the deceased at the end of life. Wearing a gourd belt and carrying an ash staff, this was a sign of mourning austerity. She, pronounced Sejie Qie. Mourning and austerity at the time of death were done to put an end to old things. Plain clothing means both upper garment and lower skirt are plain in color. It is also said, "Wearing yellow clothes and a yellow hat for the sacrifice, to rest the field workers." The sacrifice refers to after the Daling ritual, when ancestral sacrifices and the five seasonal offerings were made. At that time, farmers were rewarded with rest. Since the Yiqi clan first established the Daling ritual, officials were appointed to oversee it and manage its affairs, preparing staffs and their cases. The Lunyu says: "Yellow clothes with a fox fur robe." "Rural men wore yellow hats and rough clothing made of grass fibers." This indicates that the sacrifice was for resting people, and the attire symbolized the colors of things at that time. In the third month of autumn, grass and trees turn yellow and fall. It is also said that the duties of Daluoshi included capturing all birds and beasts, which were brought into the control of Daluoshi. This is what the Yue Ling refers to in the first month of winter: ordering officials to prepare the rites for capturing sacrificial birds and beasts. Those who presented tributes wore straw hats when arriving, showing respect for rural attire. "After the Daling sacrifice and harvest, people rest." Therefore, after the Daling, gentlemen do not initiate new projects." "Shou" means to gather and accumulate. The sacrifice for resting people differs from the Daling ritual. Therefore, sacrificing in yellow clothes and a yellow hat refers to the la (winter solstice) sacrifice. In the tenth lunar month, people offered sacrifices to repay all things, rested the elderly and farmers, and also held feasts for each other. Therefore, Zigong observed the Daling ritual and said to Confucius: "All the people of a state seem like madmen; I do not know their joy." He said that since rituals and ceremonies were carefully observed in order, now people indulge freely in drinking, shouting and clamoring; he did not understand their joy. Confucius said: "A hundred days of labor, one day's reward—this is something you do not know." He said that this was a way to repay people for their labor throughout the year, and now on one day of joyous rest, they were allowed to drink freely; it was an act of kindness from gentlemen. The priest said: "Let the earth return to its dwelling, let water flow back into its ravine, let insects remain inactive, and let grass and trees return to their moisture." | ||
| 6 | 大鲮: | 秦初，因曰臘，後復曰嘉平。臘者獵也。田獵取禽獸以祭先祖也。又曰：「臘索群小神而祭之。」或云：「臘，接也。新故交接，伏臘大祭而報功也。」蔡邕獨斷曰：「臘者，歲終大祭，縱飲。非迎氣，故但送而不迎。」 |
| At the beginning of the Qin dynasty, it was called La; later it was renamed Jiaping. "La" means hunting. Hunting for birds and beasts to sacrifice to ancestors. It is also said: "La means to summon minor deities and worship them." Some say: "La" means connection. The new and the old connect; this is a grand sacrifice during La to repay merit." Cai Yong in Duan said: "La refers to a great sacrifice at the end of the year, followed by unrestrained drinking. It is not welcoming qi (vital energy), so it only sends off without welcoming." | ||
| 7 | 大鲮: | 漢因復曰臘。或曰：「臘之名，始自漢氏。」按左傳「虞不臘矣」，是已有臘。始漢之說，非也。季冬之月，星迴歲終，陰陽以交，勞農大享臘。言祭宗廟，旁祭五祀，蓋同一日，自此而始，非舊典。 |
| The Han dynasty resumed calling it La. Some say: "The name 'La' originated from the Han dynasty." According to Zuo Zhuan, "Yu no longer observes La," indicating that La already existed. Therefore, the claim that it began in the Han dynasty is incorrect." In the last month of winter, stars return and the year ends; yin and yang intersect. Farmers are honored with a grand feast for La. This refers to sacrificing at the ancestral temple and also offering sacrifices to the Five Deities on the same day, which began from this time onward and was not part of ancient traditions. | ||
| 8 | 大鲮: | 魏因之。高堂隆議臘用日云：「王者各以其行之盛而祖，以其終而臘。水始於申，盛於子，終於辰，故水行之君，以子祖，以辰臘。火始於寅，盛於午，終於戌，故火行之君，以午祖，以戌臘。木始於亥，盛於卯，終於未，故木行之君，以卯祖，以未臘。金始於巳，盛於酉，終於丑，故金行之君，以酉祖，以丑臘。土始於未，盛於戌，終於辰，故土行之君，以戌祖，以辰臘。今魏土德而王，宜以戌祖辰臘。」博士秦靜議：「古禮，歲終，聚合百物祭宗廟，謂之鲮。皆有常日，臨時造請而用之。又無正月祖祭之禮。漢氏用午祖戌臘。午者南方之象，故以午祖。正月為歲首，故以寅始，用午祖。戌者歲之終，萬物畢成，故以戌臘。小數之學，因就傳著五行以為說，皆非典籍經義之文也。尚書、易經說五行水火金木土王，相衍天地陰陽之義。故易曰坤為土，土位西南。黃精之君，盛德在未，故大魏以未祖。戌者，歲終日窮之辰，不宜以為歲初祖祭之行始也。易曰：『坤利西南得朋，東北喪朋。』丑者土之終，故以丑臘，終而復始，乃終有慶。宜如前以未祖丑臘。」奏可之。 |
| The Wei dynasty followed this practice. Gaotang Long discussed the La sacrifice using the sun, saying: "A sovereign establishes an ancestor deity according to the flourishing of his element and observes La at its end. Water begins in Shen, flourishes in Zi, and ends in Chen; therefore, a ruler of the Water element establishes an ancestor deity at Zi and observes La at Chen. Fire begins in Yin, flourishes in Wu, and ends in Xu; therefore, a ruler of the Fire element establishes an ancestor deity at Wu and observes La at Xu. Wood begins in Hai, flourishes in Mao, and ends in Wei; therefore, a ruler of the Wood element establishes an ancestor deity at Mao and observes La at Wei. Metal begins in Si, flourishes in You, and ends in Chou; therefore, a ruler of the Metal element establishes an ancestor deity at You and observes La at Chou. Earth begins in Wei, flourishes in Xu, and ends in Chen; thus, a ruler of the Earth element establishes an ancestor deity at Xu and observes La at Chen. Now that Wei is ruled by the Earth virtue, it should establish its ancestor deity in Xu and observe La in Chen." The scholar-official Qin Jing argued: "According to ancient rites, at the end of each year, all things were gathered and sacrificed in the ancestral temple; this was called Daling. Each had fixed dates, and they would request and use them on short notice at that time. There was also no ritual for ancestor sacrifices in the first lunar month. The Han dynasty used Wu as the day of ancestor worship and Xu as the La day. Wu represents the southern direction, so it was chosen for ancestor worship. The first lunar month marks the beginning of the year; therefore, Yin is used as the starting point and Wu for ancestor worship. Xu signifies the end of the year when all things are completed, so Xu was chosen for La. These minor schools of thought adopted and propagated the Five Elements theory as their explanation; however, none of these are based on classical texts or canonical interpretations. The Shangshu and Yijing discuss the Five Elements—water, fire, metal, wood, and earth—as rulers, explaining their interrelationships in terms of heaven, earth, yin, and yang. Therefore, the Yijing says that Kun represents Earth, which occupies the southwest position. The Yellow Emperor, whose virtue flourished in Wei, thus the great Wei dynasty used Wei as its ancestor day. Xu is a day marking the end of the year and the exhaustion of time; it should not be used as the beginning for ancestor worship at the start of the new year. The Yijing says: "Kun benefits from southwest and gains companions, but loses companions in northeast." Chou marks the end of Earth's cycle; therefore, it is used for La. The cycle ends and begins anew, thus concluding with celebration. Therefore, we should follow the previous practice by using Wei as the ancestor day and Chou as the La day." The proposal was approved. | ||
| 9 | 大鲮: | 東晉元帝大興二年，未臘前一日，詔「明日當為范氏從母舉哀，百官戒嚴」。尚書郎張亮議曰：「天子祭宗廟、社稷，鼎俎既陳，不得終事者四。若五服之喪以常降者，不以廢。從母無服之喪，不宜廢事舉哀。又禮，祭之明日，改祭於祊，以燕皇尸。殷謂之肜，周謂之繹。今雖未施肜繹之祭，先王之典，聖人重不忘，但大臘之日，休息黎眾，百日之勤，一日之澤。未可戒嚴。」 |
| In the second year of Daxing reign period of Emperor Yuan of the Eastern Jin (319 AD), one day before the La in Wei, an edict was issued: "Tomorrow will be a mourning day for Fan Shi's maternal aunt; all officials should observe strict mourning protocols." Zhang Liang, a Shangshu Lang, argued: "When the Son of Heaven sacrifices to ancestral temples and state gods, there are four situations in which he cannot complete the ceremony after the tripods and sacrificial tables have been set up. If mourning for relatives within the Five Degrees of Kinship is normally reduced, it does not prevent the ceremony from proceeding. There should be no mourning interruption for a maternal aunt without prescribed mourning attire. Moreover, according to rites, on the day after the sacrifice, another offering is made at Bening in order to entertain the royal spirit. The Yin dynasty called it Tong, and the Zhou dynasty called it Yi. Now, although the Tong and Yi sacrifices are not yet performed, the rituals of previous kings were valued by sages who never forgot them. However, on this great La day, the common people rest; a hundred days of toil is rewarded in one day's grace. "Therefore, strict mourning protocols should not be enforced." | ||
| 10 | 大鲮: | 宋因之。水德王，祖以子，臘以辰。 |
| The Song dynasty followed this practice. As a ruler of the Water virtue, ancestor worship was observed on Zi day and La on Chen day. | ||
| 11 | 大鲮: | 後周以十月祭神農、伊耆以下至毛介等神於五郊。五方天地、星宿、四靈、五帝、五官、嶽鎮，下至原隰，各分其方合祭之。上帝、地祇、神農、伊耆、人帝於壇上。南郊則以神農既鲮，無其祀。三辰、七宿則為小壇於其側，自嶽鎮以下則各為坎，餘於平地。皇帝為初獻上帝、地祇、神農、伊耆及五人帝，冢宰亞獻，宗伯終獻。上大夫獻三辰以下，中大夫獻七宿以下。自天帝至羽毛之牲玉帛，皆從燎，餘從瘞。祭畢，帝如南郊便殿，明日乃鲮。訖，又如西郊。鲮訖，又至北郊。祭訖，還宮。 |
| The Later Zhou dynasty sacrificed to Shennong, Yiqi, and other deities down to Maojie at the five suburbs in the tenth lunar month. The Five Directions, Heaven and Earth, constellations, the Four Spirits, the Five Emperors, the Five Officials, mountainous regions, and lowlands—each was assigned to its respective direction for combined worship. The Supreme Deity, Earth Spirits, Shennong, Yiqi and the Human Emperor were worshipped on the altar. At the southern suburbs, sacrifices to Shennong for Daling took place, but there was no separate worship of him. For the Three Celestial Bodies and Seven Constellations, a smaller altar was built beside them; from the mountainous regions downward, each had its own pit, while others were worshipped on flat ground. The emperor served as the first offering to the Supreme Deity, Earth Spirits, Shen Nong, Yiqi, and the Five Human Emperors; the Grand Minister of Agriculture made the second offering, and the Minister of Rites made the final offering. Senior officials offered sacrifices to the Three Celestial Bodies downward, while intermediate officials offered sacrifices to the Seven Constellations downward. From Heaven's Emperor down to the sacrificial animals and jade silk for birds and feathers, all were burned in a fire sacrifice; the rest were buried. After the sacrifice was completed, the emperor went to the convenience hall at the southern suburbs and observed Daling on the following day. After finishing, he proceeded to the western suburbs. After completing Daling, he went on to the northern suburbs. After finishing the sacrifice, he returned to the palace. | ||
| 12 | 大鲮: | 隋初，因以孟冬下亥，鲮百神。開皇四年，詔曰：「前周歲首，今之仲冬建亥之月，大鲮可也。後周以夏后之時，行姬氏之鲮，考之前代，於義有違。其十月行鲮者停，可以十二月為臘。」於是始革前制。前周，姬氏。後周，宇文氏。 |
| At the beginning of the Sui dynasty, they followed the practice of holding Daling in the early tenth lunar month on Hai day for all deities. In the fourth year of Kaihuang, an edict stated: "The previous Zhou dynasty observed Daling at the beginning of the year. Now, in mid-winter during the tenth lunar month (Jiawei), it is appropriate to hold a grand Daling ceremony. The Later Zhou observed the timing of Xia Hou but performed the Daling rites of the Ji dynasty; examining this in light of previous dynasties, it was inconsistent with established principles. Therefore, those who held Daling in October should stop doing so and instead hold La in the twelfth lunar month." Thus, they began to reform previous regulations. The former Zhou dynasty refers to the Ji clan. The Later Zhou refers to the Yuhun clan." | ||
| 13 | 大鲮: | 大唐貞觀十一年，房玄齡等議曰：「按月令鲮法，唯祭天宗。近代鲮五天帝、五人帝、五地祇，皆非古典。今並除之。」季冬寅日，鲮祭百神於南郊。大明用犢二，籩豆各四，簋簠釶俎各一。神農及伊耆氏各用少牢一，籩豆等與大明同。后稷及五方、十二次、五官、五方田畯、五嶽、四鎮、四海、四瀆以下，方別各用少牢一。其日祭井泉於川澤之下，用羊一。卯日，祭社稷於社宮。二十八宿，五方之山林、川澤、丘陵、墳衍、原隰、鱗、羽、臝、毛、介、水墉、坊、郵表畷、貓、虎及龍、麟、朱鳥、白獸、玄武，方別各用少牢一，每座籩豆各二，簋簠釶俎各一。鲮祭凡百八十七座。當方年穀不登，則闕其祀。鲮之明日，又祭社稷於社宮，如春秋二仲之禮。開元中，制儀：季冬臘日，鲮百神於南郊之壇。若其方不登，則闕之。其儀具開元禮。 |
| In the eleventh year of Zhenguan reign period of the Tang dynasty, Fang Xuanling and others argued: "According to the ritual calendar for Daling, sacrifices were made only to Heaven and ancestral deities. The recent practice of sacrificing to the Five Heavenly Emperors, Five Human Emperors, and Five Earth Spirits is not in accordance with classical traditions. Therefore, they should all be abolished." On the Yin day of the last month of winter (Chouyue), a Daling sacrifice to all deities was held at the southern suburbs. For the Great Ming, two calves were used as sacrifices; each of the 笾 and 豆 was four in number, while there was one each of gui, fu, shang, and zu. For Shen Nong and Yiqi Shi, one lesser sacrifice (shao lao) was used each; the number of 笾, 豆, etc., followed that of the Great Ming. For Hou Ji, the Five Directions, Twelve Positions, Five Officials, Five Field Officials of the Five Directions, Five Mountains, Four Mountainous Regions, Four Seas, and Four Rivers, each direction separately used one lesser sacrifice (shao lao). On that day, a sacrifice to wells and springs was held at rivers and lakes, using one sheep. On the Mao day, sacrifices were offered to Sheji (the gods of land and grain) in the She Palace. For the Twenty-Eight Constellations, and for the Five Directions' mountains, rivers, hills, mounds, plains, lakes, fish, birds, naked animals, hairy animals, shelled creatures, water walls, workshops, postal markers, cats, tigers, as well as dragons, qilin, Vermilion Bird, White Beast, and Black Tortoise, each direction separately used one minor sacrifice (shao lao), with two 笾 and 豆 at each altar, and one each of gui, fu, zhang, and zu. The Daling ceremony involved a total of 187 altars. If the harvest in a particular region failed that year, its sacrifice was omitted. The day after Daling, another sacrifice to Sheji was held at the She Palace, following the rites of the two middle months in spring and autumn. During the Kaiyuan period, a regulation was established: on La day of the last winter month, all deities were sacrificed to at the altar in the southern suburbs. If there was a poor harvest in a particular region, its sacrifice would be omitted. The detailed rites are recorded in the Kaiyuan Li (Kaiyuan Rites). |
《靈星 - Lingxing 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 靈星: | 周 漢 東晉 大唐 |
| Zhou Han Dongjin Datang | ||
| 2 | 靈星: | 周制，仲秋之月，祭靈星於國之東南。東南祭之，就歲星之位也。歲星五星之始，最尊，故就其位。王者所以復祭靈星者，為人祈時，以種五穀，故別報其功也。五經通義曰：「靈星為立尸。故云『絲衣其紑，載弁俅俅』。傳言王者祭靈星，公尸所服之衣也。」今按鳧鷖詩每云尸，據傳，天子諸侯祭社稷尸也。今祀靈星言公尸，未詳所出。紑音芳休切。 |
| According to Zhou dynasty regulations, in the middle autumn month, a sacrifice was offered to the Lingxing deity at the southeast part of the state. Offering sacrifices in the southeast is to honor the position of Suixing. Suixing, being the first among the Five Planets, holds the highest status; therefore, its position is honored. The reason why a sovereign offers additional sacrifices to Lingxing is to pray for the right seasons on behalf of the people, so that they may sow the five grains; therefore, this special sacrifice is made to acknowledge its contribution. The Wujing Tongyi states: "Lingxing serves as the stand-in for the deceased." Hence, it is said, 'In their fine silk robes they appear so bright; with their caps on, they look so dignified.' "The tradition says that when the sovereign sacrifices to Lingxing, it is the robe worn by the public stand-in for the deceased." Now, according to the Fu Yi poetry, every mention of 'shi' refers to a stand-in. According to tradition, emperors and feudal lords offer sacrifices with a stand-in for Sheji (the gods of soil and grain). Now, when offering sacrifices to Lingxing the term 'gongshi' is used; its origin remains unclear. Fangxiu Qie. | ||
| 3 | 靈星: | 漢興八年，高帝命郡國縣邑立靈星祠。時或言周興而邑邰，立后稷之祀，至今血食，以其有播種之功也。於是高帝命立靈星祠。三輔故事：「長安城東十里有靈星祠。」一云：靈星，龍左角為天田，主穀，農祥晨見而祭之。言祠后稷而謂之靈星者，以后稷又配食星也。常以歲時祠以牛，古時歲再祭靈星，春秋用少牢。壬辰位祠之。壬為水，辰為龍，就其類也。縣邑令長侍祠。舞者童男十六人。即古之二羽。舞象教田，初為芟除，次耕種，次耘耨、驅爵及穫刈、舂簸之形，象成功也。 |
| In the eighth year of the Han Xing era, Emperor Gao ordered that temples for Lingxing be established in all commanderies, states, and counties. At that time, some said that during the Zhou Xing period, in Yitai, sacrifices to Houji were established; until today, they continue to be honored with offerings of blood and food, because he was credited with the merit of sowing seeds. Thus Emperor Gao ordered the establishment of temples for Lingxing. Sanfu Gu Shi states: "Ten li east of Chang'an city is a temple to Lingxing." One account says: Lingxing, the left horn of the Dragon constellation forms Tiantian, which governs grains; when Nongxiang (an astronomical phenomenon) appears in the morning, it is worshipped. Saying that a temple honors Houji but calling it Lingxing Temple refers to the fact that Houji is also venerated together with this star. A bull was regularly sacrificed at seasonal times, in ancient times, Lingxing was worshipped twice a year, with minor sacrifices in spring and autumn. The sacrifice is offered according to the position of Renchen. Ren represents water, and Chen represents dragon; this follows their categories. The magistrates of the counties personally served at the temple rites. Sixteen young boys performed the dance. This is the ancient "Eryu." The dance symbolizes the teaching of farming: first, clearing the land; next, plowing and sowing; then weeding, driving away birds, harvesting, and threshing—depicting the process to a successful harvest. | ||
| 4 | 靈星: | 東晉靈星配饗南郊，不特置祀。 |
| During the Eastern Jin dynasty, Lingxing was honored with sacrifices at the southern suburbs; it was not given a separate temple for worship. | ||
| 5 | 靈星: | 大唐開元禮，立秋之後，祀靈星於國城東南。天寶四載，敕升為中祠。 |
| The Da Tang Kaiyuan Li stipulates that after the beginning of autumn, sacrifices to Lingxing are offered at the southeast part of the capital city. In the fourth year of Tianbao, an imperial decree elevated it to a medium-level temple. |
《風師雨師及諸星等祠 - Worship of Fengshi, Yushi and Various Stars etc 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 風師雨師... : | 周 後漢 晉 東晉 隋 大唐 |
| Zhou Houhan Jin Dongjin Sui Datang | ||
| 2 | 風師雨師... : | 周制，大宗伯「以實柴祀日月星辰，以槱燎祠司中、司命、風師、雨師」。槱，積也。詩云：「芃芃棫樸，薪之槱之。」三祠皆積柴實牲體焉。星，五緯也。辰謂日月所會十二次也。司中司命，文昌第五第四星，或曰中能上能。祀五帝以用實柴之禮。鄭司農云：「司中，三能三陛。司命，文昌宮星也。風師，箕也。雨師，畢也。」能音台。月令：立春後丑日，祭風師於國城東北。立夏後申日，祀雨師於國城西南。秋分日，享壽星於南郊。壽星，南極老人星。立冬後亥日，祀司中、司命、司人、司祿於國城西北。 |
| According to the system of the Zhou dynasty, the Grand Minister of Rites "used solid wood for sacrificial offerings to the sun, moon, stars, and constellations, and used fragrant fire sacrifices to worship Sizhong, Siming, Fengshi, and Yushi." You means accumulation. The Book of Songs says: "Pengpeng yupu, xin zhi you zhi." All three sacrifices involved piling up firewood and placing the bodies of sacrificial animals on it. Stars refer to the Five Lweis. Chen refers to the twelve divisions where the sun and moon converge. Sizhong and Siming are the fifth and fourth stars of Wenchang, or it is said that they refer to Zhongneng and Shangneng. The sacrifice to the Five Emperors used the rite of solid wood offerings. Zhang Siniang said: "Sizhong has three abilities and three steps." Siming is a star in the Wenchang Palace. Fengshi refers to Ji Star. Yushi refers to Bi Star." Neng is pronounced Tai. The Monthly Ordinances state: On the Chou day after the Beginning of Spring, Fengshi should be worshipped in the northeast part of the capital city. On the Shen day after the Beginning of Summer, Yushi was worshiped in the southwest part of the national capital. On the Autumnal Equinox, Shouxing was honored at the southern suburbs. Shouxing refers to Nanji Laoren Star. On the Hai day after the Beginning of Winter, Sizhong, Siming Siren, and Silu were worshipped in the northwest part of the national capital city. | ||
| 3 | 風師雨師... : | 後漢以丙戌日，祀風師於戌地。以己丑日，祀雨師於丑地。牲用羊豕。又於國都南郊立老人星廟，常以仲春祀之。立心星廟於城南，常以季秋祀之。 |
| The Later Han dynasty performed sacrifices to Fengshi on Bingxu day at the Xu location. On Jichou day, Yushi was worshipped at the Chou location. The sacrificial animals used were sheep and pigs. In addition, an ancestral temple for the Laoren Star was established in the southern suburbs of the national capital, and it was regularly worshipped during Zhongchun. A temple for Xinxing was built in the southern part of the city, and it was usually worshipped during Jiou. | ||
| 4 | 風師雨師... : | 晉以仲春月，祀於國都遠郊老人星廟。季秋祀心星於南郊壇心星廟。 |
| The Jin dynasty performed sacrifices at the Laoren Star temple located in the distant southern suburbs of the national capital during Zhongchun month. In Jiou, Xinxing was worshipped at the Xinxing Temple on the southern suburban altar. | ||
| 5 | 風師雨師... : | 東晉以來配饗南郊，不復特立。 |
| Since the Eastern Jin dynasty, sacrifices to these deities have been included in the offerings at the southern suburbs, and they were no longer worshipped separately with a dedicated temple. | ||
| 6 | 風師雨師... : | 隋令太史署，常以二月八日，於署廷中，以太牢祠老人星，兼祀天皇大帝、天一、太一、日月、五星、勾陳、北極、北斗、三台、二十八宿、丈人星、孫星，都四十六座。凡應合祀享官，亦大毉給除穢氣散藥，先齋一日服之，以自潔。其儀本之齊制。 |
| The Sui dynasty ordered the Taishi Office to regularly perform sacrifices on the eighth day of the second month in the courtyard of the office, using a grand sacrificial offering (tai lao) for Laoren Star, while also worshipping Tianhuang Dadi, Tianyi, Taiyi, the sun and moon, Five Stars, Gouchen, Beiji, Beidou, Santai, Twenty-Eight Lunar Mansions, Zhangren Xing, Sun Xing. Altogether, there were forty-six altars. All officials who should participate in the combined sacrifices and offerings were also provided by the Da Yi with herbs to purify impurities, which they took one day before fasting as a means of purification. The ceremony was based on the system of Qi. | ||
| 7 | 風師雨師... : | 大唐開元二十四年七月，敕宜令所司特置壽星壇，恆以千秋節日，修其祠典。又敕壽星壇，宜祭老人星及角亢七宿，著之恆式。其儀具開元禮。天寶四載，敕風伯雨師並宜升入中祀。仍令諸郡各置一壇，因春秋祭社之日，同申享祀。至九月，敕諸郡，風伯壇置在壇之東，雨師壇之西，各稍北三數十步，其壇卑小於社壇。造其祭官，准祭社例，取太守下充。天寶五載四月，詔曰：「發生震蟄，雷為其始，畫卦陳象，威物效靈，氣實本於陰陽，功大施於動植。今風伯雨師，久列於常祀，唯此震雷，未登於群望。其以後每祀雨師，宜以雷師同壇祭，其牲別置於祭器也。」 |
| In July, twenty-fourth year of Kaiyuan in the Great Tang dynasty, an imperial decree ordered that the relevant officials should specially establish a Shouxing altar and regularly perform its sacrificial rites on Qianqiujie day. Another imperial decree stated that the Shouxing altar should be used to worship Laoren Xing and the seven lunar mansions of Jiao and Kang, which was established as a permanent regulation. The ceremony is detailed in Kaiyuan Li (the Kaiyuan Rites). In the fourth year of Tianbao, an imperial decree stipulated that Fengbo and Yushi should both be elevated to the category of Zhongsi (medium-level sacrifices). It also ordered that each prefecture establish one altar, and on the days when ancestral gods were worshipped during spring and autumn, these deities should be jointly honored. By September, an imperial decree was issued to all prefectures ordering that the altar for Fengbo be placed east of the main altar and the altar for Yushi west of it. Each should be slightly north by several tens of steps, with their altars being lower and smaller than the ancestral god altar. The officials responsible for conducting these sacrifices were appointed according to the same regulations as those for the ancestral god sacrifices, selected from among the subordinates of the governor. In the fifth year of Tianbao, April, an edict stated: "The awakening from hibernation and sprouting of life begins with thunder. In drawing trigrams to present images, it demonstrates power over things and manifests its efficacy. Its essence is rooted in yin and yang, and its great function extends to both moving and growing beings." Now Fengbo and Yushi have long been included in regular sacrifices, yet this thunder, which shakes the earth, has not yet been elevated among the ranks of revered deities. "Therefore, from now on, whenever Yushi is worshipped, Leishi should be sacrificed at the same altar. However, separate sacrificial animals should be placed in their own ritual vessels." |
URN: ctp:tongdian/44