| Chinese Text Project |
《禮十二 - Rites 12》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
《喪廢祭議 - Discussion on Suspending Sacrifices During Mourning 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 喪廢祭議: | 晉 宋 齊 梁 大唐 |
| Jin Song Qi Liang Da Tang | ||
| 2 | 喪廢祭議: | 晉武帝咸寧五年十一月，弘訓羊太后崩，宗廟廢一時之祀，天地明堂去樂，且不上胙。孝武帝太元十一年九月，皇女亡，應烝祠，中書侍郎范甯奏：「按禮喪服傳『有死宮中者，三月不舉祭』，不別長幼之與貴賤也。皇女雖曰嬰孩，臣竊以為疑。」於是使三公行事。賀循祭議云：「禮，在喪者不祭。祭，吉事故也。其義不但施於生人，亦祖禰之情，同其哀戚，故云於死者無服則祭也。今人者有服祭祀如故，吉凶相干，非禮意也。」 |
| In the eleventh month of the fifth year of Xinning reign period of Emperor Wu of Jin, Empress Dowager Yang of Hongxun died. The ancestral temple discontinued its sacrificial rites for a time; music was removed from the altars of Heaven and Earth in Mingtang Hall, and offerings were not presented. In the ninth month of the eleventh year of Ta yuan reign period of Emperor Xiao Wu, an imperial daughter died. According to ancestral rites, a sacrificial ceremony should be held for her. Zhongshu Shilang Fan Ning presented a memorial stating: "According to the Rites and Mourning Dress Commentary, 'If someone dies in the palace, sacrifices shall not be offered for three months,' without distinction between elders and juniors or between noble and humble status." "Although an imperial daughter is said to have been merely an infant, I secretly consider this matter questionable," he added. Thus, the Three Dukes were ordered to perform the rites on behalf of the emperor. He Xun's discussion on sacrifices stated: "According to rites, those in mourning do not conduct sacrifices. Sacrifices are matters of auspicious ceremonies. Its meaning is not only applied to the living, but also reflects the feelings of ancestors and descendants; they share in the sorrow and grief. Therefore, it says that if there is no mourning attire for the deceased, then sacrifices may be conducted." "Nowadays, people conduct sacrifices with mourning attire as usual; auspicious and inauspicious matters interfere with each other, which is contrary to the meaning of rites." | ||
| 3 | 喪廢祭議: | 宋文帝元嘉七年四月，有司奏：「禮云『有死於宮中者，三月不舉祭』。今礿祀既戒，而掖庭有故，下太常詳正。領祠部郎謝元議，以為『遵依禮傳，使有司行事，於義為安』。」從之。 |
| In the fourth month of the seventh year of Yuangjia reign period of Emperor Wen of Song, officials submitted a memorial: "According to rites, 'If someone dies within the palace, sacrifices shall not be held for three months.'" "Now that preparations have been made for the Yue sacrifice, but there is an incident in Yeting, please submit it to Taichang for detailed deliberation." Director of the Department of Sacrifices, Lang Xi Yuanyi, argued that "Following the rites and their interpretations, let officials carry out the ceremonies; this would be in accordance with propriety." The suggestion was accepted. | ||
| 4 | 喪廢祭議: | 齊高帝建元四年，武帝在諒闇。尚書令王儉奏曰：「權典既行，喪禮斯奪，事興漢代，源由甚遠。殷宗諒闇，非有服之稱，周王即吉，唯宴樂為譏。春秋之義，嗣君踰年則會聘。左氏云『凡君即位，卿出並聘，踐修舊好』，『謀事補闕，禮之大者』。自斯而談，朝聘烝嘗之典，卒哭而備行，婚禘蒐樂之事，三載而後舉，通塞興廢，各有由然。按禮稱武王崩，明年六月既葬，周公冠成王而朝於祖，以見諸侯。又曾子問『孔子曰：天子崩，國君薨，則祝取群廟之主而藏諸祖廟，禮也。卒哭成事，而後主各反其廟』。左氏傳『凡君卒哭而祔，祔而後特祀於主，烝嘗禘於廟』。先儒云：『特祀於主者，特以喪禮奉新亡者主於寢，不同於吉。烝嘗禘於廟者，卒哭成事，群廟之主，各反其廟。則四時之祭，皆即吉也。』三年喪畢，吉禘於廟，躋群主以定新主也。皆著在經誥。晉宋因循，同規前典，卒哭公除，親奉烝嘗，率禮無違，因心允協。爰至宋明帝時，禮官立議，不宜親奉，乃引『三年之制，自天子達庶人』，曾不知本在至情，既葬釋除，事以權奪，越紼之旨，事施未葬，卒哭之後，何紼可越？晉武在喪，每欲伸寧戚之懷，不全依諒闇之典，至於四時烝嘗，蓋以哀疚未堪，非便頓改舊式。江左通儒，守而弗革。又且即心而言，公卿大事，則負扆親臨，三元告始，則會朝萬國，豈曰能安，國家故也。宗廟烝嘗，孝敬所先，寧容吉事備行，斯典獨廢？就令必宜廢祭，則應三年永闕，乃復同之他故，有司攝禮，進退二三，彌乖喪典。謂宜依禮親奉。」從之。 |
| In the fourth year of Jianyuan reign period of Emperor Gao of Qi, Emperor Wu was in mourning. Shangshu Ling Wang Jian submitted: "Since provisional regulations have been implemented, mourning rites are suspended. This practice originated in the Han dynasty and has a long historical background." During the mourning period of Yin Zong, it was not referred to as wearing mourning attire; when King Zhou resumed normal court affairs, he was criticized for feasting and music. According to the principles of Chunqiu, if a successor ruler has surpassed one year in office, then meetings and diplomatic visits may proceed. Zuo Zhuan says, "Whenever a ruler ascends the throne, ministers go out together to pay visits and renew old friendships," and "to plan affairs and make up for deficiencies is the most important aspect of rites." From this perspective, the ceremonies of court visits and sacrificial offerings should be fully carried out after the completion of mourning rites; matters concerning marriages, ancestral sacrifices, military campaigns, and music should only be conducted three years later. Whether these are implemented or suspended depends on specific circumstances, each with its own rationale. According to rites, after King Wu's death, the following June when he was buried, Gong of Zhou crowned Chengwang and led him in a court ceremony at the ancestral temple to meet with feudal lords. Zengzi also asked, "Confucius said: When an emperor or a feudal lord dies, the shu should take the ancestral tablets from all temples and store them in the ancestral temple; this is according to rites. After the completion of mourning rituals, each tablet shall be returned to its respective temple." Zuo Zhuan states: "Whenever a ruler completes the mourning rites, he is then enshrined in the ancestral temple. After that, special sacrifices are offered to his tablet, and sacrificial ceremonies of zeng, chang, and di are conducted at the temple." Earlier Confucian scholars said: "Offering special sacrifices to a tablet means specially honoring the newly deceased ruler's tablet in his private quarters according to mourning rites, which is different from auspicious ceremonies. "Conducting zeng, chang and di sacrifices at the temple means that after completing mourning rites, ancestral tablets from various temples are returned to their respective shrines." Thus, all seasonal sacrifices resume as auspicious ceremonies." After the three-year mourning period is completed, a grand ancestral sacrifice (ji di) is conducted at the temple to elevate the new ruler's tablet among those of his ancestors and establish its proper place. All these are recorded in the Classic texts and 诰 s. Jin and Song dynasties followed these precedents, adhering to the regulations of earlier rites. After completing mourning rituals, public mourning was lifted; the emperor personally conducted zeng and chang sacrifices, strictly following rites without deviation, and his actions were in harmony with sincere filial devotion. When it came to the reign of Emperor Ming of Song, ritual officials proposed a discussion and argued that the emperor should not personally conduct sacrifices. They cited "The three-year mourning system applies from the Son of Heaven down to commoners," yet they failed to recognize that the essence lies in profound filial feelings. After burial, mourning is lifted; such matters are suspended due to necessity. The principle of yue fu (transgressing mourning) was applied before burial, but after completion of the mourning rites, how could there be any need for transgression? Emperor Wu of Jin, during his mourning period, often wished to express his deep sorrow and grief; he did not fully adhere to the regulations for mourning in seclusion. Regarding seasonal sacrifices such as zeng and chang, this was due to his unresolved grief rather than a sudden change from established customs. Eminent Confucian scholars of Jiangzuo upheld these practices without alteration. Moreover, in terms of heartfelt devotion, for major state affairs involving the Grandees and ministers, he personally presided behind the screen; on the first days of the three festivals, he convened court sessions with envoys from all nations. How could this be considered a matter of ease? It was for the sake of the nation's stability. Sacrifices at the ancestral temple, such as zeng and chang offerings, are among the foremost expressions of filial piety. How could it be acceptable to conduct all auspicious ceremonies while alone suspending this sacred rite? Even if it were necessary to suspend sacrifices, then they should be permanently omitted for three years. To treat this matter the same as other ordinary incidents and have officials conduct the rites on behalf of others would only lead to inconsistency and further deviation from mourning regulations. "It is appropriate to follow rites and personally perform the sacrifices," he said. The suggestion was accepted. | ||
| 5 | 喪廢祭議: | 梁武帝天監四年，安成國稱：欲遷立所生吳太妃神主。國王既有妃喪，欲使臣下代祭。明山賓議，以為：「宜待王妃服竟，親奉盛禮。」 |
| In the fourth year of Tianjian reign period of Emperor Wu of Liang, Ancheng Guo claimed: He wished to transfer and establish a spirit tablet for his birth mother, Tai Fei Wu. Since the king had lost his consort, he wanted to have his ministers conduct sacrifices on his behalf. Ming Shanbin argued: "One should wait until the mourning period for the queen consort is completed before personally conducting the grand rites." | ||
| 6 | 喪廢祭議: | 大唐元陵之制，未殯，遇夏至，祭皇地祇，禮官議停祭。時監察御史張朔牒禮儀使：「伏準遺詔，皇帝已聽政，合告郊廟，所司祭地祇無文，合廢。又按曾子問：『天子崩，未殯，五祀之祭不行，既殯而祭。』所言五祀不行，即明天地之祭不合廢。又，王制：『喪三年不祭，唯祭天地、社稷，為越紼而行事。』注云：『不敢以卑廢尊。』又按春秋杜氏注：『天王崩，未葬而郊者，不以王事廢天事也。』今禮儀使牒引祠令，『諸饗廟官有緦麻以上喪，不得充饗官』，此蓋指私喪，不足為今日之證。請更參詳。報禮儀使。」報：「來牒稱，天子崩，五祀之祭不行，既殯而祭，所言五祀不行，即明天地之祭不合廢者。謹按：曾子問：『天子崩，五祀之祭不行，既葬而祭。』鄭玄注云『郊社亦然』，然則五祀之與郊社之祭同也。則來牒所言『五祀不行，則明天地之祭不合廢』，與鄭玄所云『郊社亦然』之義乖也。又按：曾子問上文曰：『天子嘗禘郊社五祀之祭，簠簋既陳，天子崩，后之喪，如之何？』孔子曰：『廢。』下文云：『天子崩，未殯，五祀之祭不行，既殯而祭。』孔穎達云：『以初崩哀戚，未遑祭祀，雖當五祀祭時，不得行也。既殯，哀情殺而後祭也。』又云：『自啟至於反哭，五祀之祭不行，已葬而祭。』此言無事時則祭，有事時則廢。未殯以前，是有事；既殯已後，未啟已前，為無事。故王制云『越紼而行事』。紼者，屬於龍輴之轅索也。天子攢塗龍輴，謂殯時所設也。今百官成服，準祠令，諸祀齋之日，平明赴祠所。又開元禮云：『祀前七日，受誓戒，散齋四日，致齋三日。散齋之內，不得弔死問病；致齋之內，唯祀事則行，其餘悉斷。』苟或違此，則非為祭，所以崇嚴潔也。今若斂髮赴廟，則嚴潔之道於是乎廢也。成服而行，則祀典之文可得而踰也。且哀戚之殺，大斂孰與夫自啟？凶穢之甚，緦麻孰與夫斬縗？未殯之時，非謂無事；扱衽之祭，可謂不遑。況皇帝即位，未告太廟，哀戚在疚，未許聽政，如何告太祖以配北郊乎？參詳古今，實難議祭也。」 |
| In the regulations concerning the Yuanling of Da Tang, before burial, if the summer solstice occurred, a sacrifice to the Yellow Earth Deity was scheduled. The ritual officials debated whether it should be suspended. At that time, Jiancha Yushi Zhang Shuo submitted a document to the Liyi Shi: "According to the emperor's last will, the Son of Heaven has already resumed governance and should announce this at the altars of heaven and earth. There is no textual basis for officials conducting sacrifices to the Earth Deity; it should be discontinued." Moreover, according to Zengzi's Questions: "When an emperor dies and has not yet been buried, the five sacrificial rites should not be conducted; they may proceed only after burial." The statement that the Five Sacrifices are suspended indicates clearly that sacrifices to Heaven and Earth should not be discontinued. Moreover, the Rites of Zhou state: "During a three-year mourning period, sacrifices should not be held, except for those to Heaven and Earth and the ancestral earth deity (Sheji), which may proceed as exceptions to mourning regulations." The commentary says: "One dares not abandon reverence for higher deities due to lower matters." Moreover, according to the commentary by Du Shi of Chunqiu: "When a Son of Heaven dies and is not yet buried but sacrifices at the altar of heaven are still held, it is because one must not let royal affairs interfere with heavenly rites." Now, the Liyi Shi cited in their document the Ciling (Rites Ordinance), which states: "Officials who have mourning attire of sishen or higher for ancestral temple sacrifices may not serve as sacrifice officials." This clearly refers to private mourning and is insufficient as evidence for today's case. Please further review the matter carefully. Reported to Liyi Shi." Reply: "The submitted document states that when an emperor dies, the Five Sacrifices should not be conducted until after burial. The argument is made that since the Five Sacrifices cannot proceed, this clearly indicates that sacrifices to Heaven and Earth must not be suspended." We respectfully examine: Zengzi's Questions states, "When an emperor dies, the sacrifices of the Five Deities should not be conducted until burial has taken place." Zheng Xuan's commentary says, "The same applies to sacrifices at the altars of Heaven (jiao) and Earth (she)." Thus, it is clear that the Five Sacrifices and those for jiao she are treated equally. Therefore, the statement in your document that "if the Five Sacrifices are not conducted, it proves that sacrifices to Heaven and Earth cannot be suspended" contradicts Zheng Xuan's assertion that "the same applies to jiao she." Moreover, according to the preceding passage in Zengzi's Questions: "When sacrifices for zhang di, jiao she, and the Five Deities are being prepared with ritual vessels already arranged, what should be done if the Son of Heaven or a queen consort dies?" Confucius said: "They should be suspended." The following passage states: "When an emperor dies and is not yet buried, the Five Sacrifices shall not be conducted; they may resume after burial." Kong Yingda said: "In the initial period of mourning, grief is profound and one has no time for sacrifices. Even if it coincides with a scheduled Five Sacrifice ceremony, it cannot be conducted." After burial, when the intensity of grief lessens, then sacrifices may proceed." It also says: "From the time of opening the coffin until the return mourning ceremony (fan ku), sacrifices to the Five Deities shall not be conducted. They may resume after burial." This indicates that when there are no special circumstances, sacrifices proceed; but during times of mourning or other significant events, they must be suspended. Before burial, it is a time of mourning and thus considered an occasion for suspension. After burial but before the coffin is opened, there are no such circumstances, so sacrifices may proceed. Therefore, the Rites of Zhou say "to proceed with rites despite mourning (yue fu)." Fu refers to the ropes attached to the yoke of the dragon-drawn funeral carriage. The Son of Heaven's cuntu longchun, refers to what is arranged during burial. Now that all officials are in mourning attire, according to the Ciling (Rites Ordinances), on days of fasting for various sacrifices, they should arrive at the sacrificial site before dawn. Moreover, Kaiyuan Li states: "Seven days prior to the sacrifice, officials receive instructions and warnings; four days of general fasting (sanzhai) are observed, followed by three days of strict fasting (zhizhai)." During the period of sanzai, one must not attend funerals or inquire about the sick; during zhi zhai, only matters related to sacrifices may be attended to; all other activities must cease." If these rules are violated, then the act is no longer a proper sacrifice. This is done in order to uphold reverence and maintain purity. Now, if officials were to go to the temple with their hair unbound (a sign of mourning), it would mean abandoning the principles of reverence and purity. To proceed in mourning attire is to disregard the established rites for sacrifices, which cannot be transgressed. Moreover, regarding the reduction of grief, how does it compare between major mourning (dalian) and the opening of the coffin? In terms of severity of mourning impurity, which is greater: sishen or zhanpei (the deepest level of mourning attire)? Before burial has taken place, it cannot be considered a time without mourning. To conduct sacrifices while still in the act of mourning (tian ren) would indeed mean one is not prepared to do so. Moreover, since the emperor has just ascended the throne and has not yet announced his succession to the Taemiao (ancestral temple), he is still grieving and has not been permitted to resume governance. How then could it be appropriate to announce this at Tai Zu's shrine or conduct a sacrifice at Beijiao? After reviewing both ancient and modern precedents, it is indeed difficult to justify conducting the sacrifice." |
《旁親喪不廢祭議 - A Discussion on Not Suspending Sacrifices for the Death of Distant Relatives 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 旁親喪不... : | 東晉 |
| Eastern Jin | ||
| 2 | 旁親喪不... : | 東晉穆帝永和六年五月九日，安平王薨。博士孫欽議：「禮，有死於宮中，闕一時之祀。又按魏高堂隆議，平原公主薨，二月春祠，不宜闕。臣聞伯叔父、同產昆弟、庶子、庶孫及次妃以下，天子諸侯則降而不服，於四時之祭無闕廢，禮也。漢文帝前代盛德之君也，猶不忍以三年之喪，妨廢孝享，割損年月，早葬速除，追思祖考，念在烝嘗，所以重宗廟也。且宮中有死者，三月不舉祭，傳發於緦麻三月之章，天子諸侯周大功，皆降而不服，何緦麻之有乎！誠亦儒者之迷誤也。」 |
| On the ninth day of the fifth month, the sixth year of Yonghe reign period of Emperor Mu of the Eastern Jin dynasty, the Anping Wang died. Doctor Sun Qin proposed: "According to rites, if someone dies within the palace, one should suspend sacrificial ceremonies for a period of time. Also according to Wei Gao Tang Long's opinion, when Princess Pingyuan died, the spring sacrifices in February should not be suspended. I have heard that for uncles, half-brothers born of the same mother, commoner sons, commoner grandsons, and concubines below the secondary wife rank, emperors and feudal lords would lower their mourning attire without wearing it fully; there should be no suspension or abandonment of sacrifices during the four seasons. This is in accordance with rites. Emperor Wen of Han was a ruler of great virtue in previous generations. He still could not bear to let the three-year mourning period hinder or abandon filial sacrifices, so he shortened the duration and held early burials and quick removals from mourning. He remembered his ancestors with deep thought, always considering the ancestral offerings, thus showing reverence for the ancestral temples. Moreover, when there is a death in the palace, sacrifices are not held for three months. This tradition originates from the chapter on mourning attire of "sima" (a light mourning garment) for three months; however, emperors and feudal lords wear only "zhou dagon" (a medium level of mourning), which they lower without fully observing. How could there be any "sima"?! This is indeed a confusion and mistake by Confucian scholars." |
《緦不祭議 - Debate on Not Performing Sacrifices for Those Wearing Si Mourning Attire 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 緦不祭議: | 晉 宋 |
| Jin Song | ||
| 2 | 緦不祭議: | 晉荊州刺史殷仲堪問：「禮文如是，此指釋有緦麻服而猶得祭者也？當不普言新喪之親於所祭者耶？」別駕庾叡、功曹滕惔、主簿劉恬答：「尋禮文，當是指明有緦服可以祭耳，不以新喪之親於所祭者有服為疑。今世中傳重者，而有從祖小功之服，服既除，恐不得以二祖服近而不祭也。」 |
| Jin dynasty Jingzhou Cishi Yin Zhongkan asked, "If the ritual text states this, does it refer to those who are still allowed to perform sacrifices despite wearing the sī má mourning attire?" "Should it not generally refer to newly deceased relatives of the one performing the sacrifice?" Biejia Yu Rui, Gongcao Teng Tan, and Zhubu Liu Tian answered: "Upon examining the ritual text, it should merely indicate that those in the si mourning attire are permitted to perform sacrifices; there is no doubt regarding whether newly deceased relatives of the person performing the sacrifice have a prescribed mourning attire." "In today's society, those who are greatly revered may have the mourning attire for a cousin-german of one's grandfather (xiaogong), and once this mourning period has ended, it is feared that they would not be able to refrain from sacrificing due to their close relationship with two ancestors." | ||
| 3 | 緦不祭議: | 宋庾蔚之謂：「殷庾釋文句甚允，但未統立言大意。記所明重其已與神交而不終，外喪尸殯不在此，可得少申其事。故大夫之祭，鼎俎既陳，籩豆既設，內喪小功緦麻，外喪齊縗以下，行。特為已與神交，故隨輕重各有所行。又云『士之所以異緦不祭』者，加大夫，有小功緦麻皆廢。故鄭云『然則士不得成禮者十一』也。又云『所祭於死者無服則祭』者，言所異於未與神交唯有此，則外內之喪通廢，士卑故也。言有始末，義統有本。尋禮者多斷取義，不辯已與神交之異，故申之云。」 |
| Song dynasty Yu Weizhi said: "Yin Yu's interpretation of the text is very reasonable, but it has not fully grasped the overall meaning." The record clarifies that emphasis is placed on those who have already established a connection with the spirits but did not complete it; external mourning rites for the deceased body and burial are not included in this, so one may briefly explain the matter. Therefore, when a high-ranking official performs sacrifices, after the tripods and sacrificial tables have been arranged and the 笾 and 豆 have been set up, those in mourning attire for internal relatives (xiaogong or sima) and external relatives wearing qici or lower may proceed. This is specifically for those who have already established a bond with the spirits, so according to the degree of mourning, each person proceeds accordingly. It is also said that "the reason scholars differ from those in sima mourning who do not perform sacrifices" refers to the fact that for high-ranking officials, even those in xiaogong or sima mourning may still proceed with sacrifices. Therefore, Zheng said, "In that case, scholars are unable to complete the rites in one out of ten cases." It is also said, "If the deceased to be sacrificed to has no mourning attire prescribed for them, then sacrifices may still proceed." This indicates that the only difference from those who have not yet established a bond with the spirits lies in this: both internal and external mourning rites are entirely suspended, which is due to the lower status of scholars. This statement encompasses the beginning and end of the matter; its meaning is rooted in a fundamental principle. Those who study rites often take meanings out of context, without distinguishing the difference between those who have and have not established a bond with spirits; therefore, it is reiterated as such." |
《奪宗議 - Debating the Seizure of the Throne 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 奪宗議: | 晉 |
| Jin | ||
| 2 | 奪宗議: | 晉元帝建武初，孫文上事：宣帝，支子，不應祭章郡、京兆二府君。僕射刁協云：「諸侯奪宗，聖庶奪嫡，豈況天子乎！自皇祚以來，五十餘年，宗廟已序，而文攻乎異端，宜加議罪。」按漢梅福云：「諸侯奪宗」。此謂父為士，庶子封為諸侯，則庶子奪宗嫡，主祭祀也。在諸侯尚有奪義，豈況天子乎！所言聖庶者，謂如武王庶子，有聖德，奪代伯邑考之宗嫡也。 |
| At the beginning of the Jianwu era of Emperor Yuan of Jin, Sun Wen submitted a proposal: "Emperor Xuan was a junior branch descendant and should not be included in the ancestral sacrifices to the two forebears of Zhangjun and Jingzhao." Puye Diao Xie said, "When feudal lords seize the throne, when legitimate and illegitimate sons compete for primacy, how much more so is this true for an emperor!" "Since the imperial dynasty began, over fifty years have passed, and the ancestral temples are already properly arranged. Yet Wen attacks an unorthodox view; he should be subjected to discussion and punished accordingly." According to Han Meifu: "Feudal lords seize the throne." This means that when a father is merely a commoner, and an illegitimate son is enfeoffed as a feudal lord, then the illegitimate son seizes the position of the legitimate heir and becomes the principal figure in ancestral sacrifices. If there is still justification for seizing the throne among feudal lords, how much more so would this be true for an emperor! What is referred to as "a legitimate or illegitimate son with virtue" means, for example, a commoner-born son of King Wu who possesses virtuous qualities and thereby seizes the position from Bo Yikao's legitimate heir. |
《殤及無後廟祭議 - Discussions on Temple Sacrifices for 殇 and Those Without Heirs 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 殤及無後... : | 宋 |
| Song | ||
| 2 | 殤及無後... : | 宋孝武皇帝孝建元年，有司奏：「東平沖王年幼無後，唯殤服五月。雖臣不殤君，應有主祭，而國是追贈，又無其臣。未詳毀靈立廟，為當他祔？」太學博士徐宏議：「王既無後，追贈無臣，殤服既竟，靈便合毀。記曰：『殤與無後者，從祖祔食。』又曰：『士大夫不得祔於諸侯，祔諸祖之為士大夫者。』按沖王則宜祔諸祖之為王者，應祔長沙景王廟。」詔可。大明六年，有司奏：「故晉陵孝王子雲未有嗣，安廟後三日，國臣從權制除釋，晦朔周忌，應還臨哭與不？又祭之日，誰為主？」太常丞庾蔚之議：「靈筵存，諸臣宜還臨哭，變服，使上卿主祭。王既未有後，又無三年服者，周親服除，而國尚存，便宜立廟，為國之始祖。服除之日，神主暫祔食祖廟。還居新廟之室。未有嗣之前，四時饗薦，常使上卿主之。」詔可。七年十一月，有司奏：「晉陵國刺：孝王廟依廬陵等國例，一歲五祭。二國以王有衡陽王服，今年內不祠。尋國未有嗣王，三卿主祭。應同無服者之例與不？」左丞徐爰議：「嗣王未立，將來承胤未知疏近。豈宜空計服屬，以虧祭敬。」詔可。八年，有司奏：「故齊敬王子羽未立後，未詳便應作主立廟？為須有後之日？未立廟者，為於何處祭祀？」爰議以為：「國無後，於制服除罷。始封之君，實存繼嗣。皇子追贈，為始祖。臣不殤君，事著前準，豈容虛闕烝嘗以俟有後？謂宜立廟作主，三卿主祭依舊。」 |
| In the first year of Xiaojian reign period of Emperor Xiaowu of the Song dynasty, an official submitted a memorial: "The Duke Zhong of Dongping is young and has no heir; he should be mourned with mourning for five months as per the rites for 殇 (shāng)." Although a subject does not mourn a 殇 (shāng) lord, there should still be someone to preside over the sacrificial rites; however, the state has posthumously bestowed honors upon him, yet he had no subjects. It is unclear whether we should destroy his spirit tablet and establish a temple for him, or have it properly placed in another ancestral shrine?" Xu Hong, a doctoral scholar of the Imperial Academy, argued: "Since the prince has no descendants and posthumous honors have been bestowed without subjects, once the mourning for 殇 (shāng) is completed, his spirit tablet should be destroyed." The Records state: "Those who are 殇 and those without descendants shall follow the ancestral rites for inclusion in ancestor worship." It also says: "Scholars and officials may not be included among feudal lords; they should instead be included with their ancestors who were scholars or officials." "Following this principle, the Duke Zhong should be included in the temple of his ancestor who was a king; he should thus be enshrined in the Temple of King Jing of Changsha." The imperial edict approved this. In the sixth year of Daming reign period, an official submitted a memorial: "The late Prince Yun of Jinling has no heir. Three days after the completion of temple rites for his ancestor, state officials followed provisional regulations to remove mourning attire; on the last and first day of each month as well as anniversaries of his death, should they still return to mourn and weep or not?" "On the day of sacrifice, who shall preside over it?" Yu Weizhi, Assistant Minister of Rites, argued: "Since the spirit tablet remains, all officials should return to mourn and weep, change their mourning attire, and have a high-ranking minister preside over the sacrifice." Since the prince has no heir and there are no subjects observing a three-year mourning period, when close relatives have completed their mourning rites but the state still exists, it would be appropriate to establish a temple for him as the founding ancestor of the state. On the day mourning is lifted, his spirit tablet may temporarily join in ancestral worship at the ancestral temple. It should then be moved to a new temple chamber. Until an heir is established, seasonal sacrifices and offerings should regularly be presided over by a high-ranking minister." The imperial edict approved this decision. In the seventh year, on the eleventh month, an official submitted a memorial: "Regarding the State of Jinling: The Temple of Prince Xiao should follow the example of the Lu Ling and other states, with five sacrifices held annually. The two states did not hold sacrifices this year because the prince was in mourning for Prince Hengyang." Since the state has no heir to the throne, three high-ranking ministers should preside over the sacrifices. "Should this be treated in accordance with the example for those without mourning obligations or not?" Xu Yuan, Left Chancellor, argued: "Since an heir to the throne has yet to be established, it is currently unknown whether future successors will be close or distant relatives. "It would not be appropriate to recklessly calculate mourning relationships at the expense of sacrificial reverence." The imperial edict approved this proposal. In the eighth year, an official submitted a memorial: "The late Prince Yu of Qi has no heir yet; it is unclear whether a spirit tablet should immediately be made and a temple established for him? Or must we wait until the day an heir is established?" "For those whose temples have not yet been established, where should sacrifices be conducted?" Xu Yuan argued: "When a state has no heir, mourning rites and their cessation are determined according to the regulations. The originally enfeoffed ruler indeed leaves behind successors. A royal son who is posthumously honored becomes the founding ancestor. "A subject does not mourn a 殇 lord; this matter is clearly established in previous precedents, how could it be allowed to leave ancestral sacrifices unfulfilled and wait for an heir?" "It should therefore be appropriate to establish a temple and create a spirit tablet, with the three high-ranking ministers presiding over sacrifices as before." |
《祭殤 - Sacrificing to 殇 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 祭殤: | 周 晉 |
| Zhou Jin | ||
| 2 | 祭殤: | 周制，曾子問：「『祭殤必厭，蓋弗成也。厭飫而已，不成其為人也，故其禮不備。祭成喪而無尸，是殤之也。』與不成人同也。孔子曰：『有陰厭，有陽厭。』言祭殤之禮，有於陰厭之者，有於陽厭之者。曾子問曰：『殤不備祭，何謂陰厭陽厭？』言殤乃不成人，祭之不備禮也，而云陰厭陽厭乎？失孔子旨也。祭成人始設奠於奧，迎尸之前，謂之陰厭。尸謖之後，改饌於西北隅，謂之陽厭。殤則不備也。孔子曰：『宗子為殤而死，庶子弗為後也。族人以其倫代之，明不序於昭穆立之廟也。其祭之，就其祖而已。代之者主其禮也。按此殤未成人，無立後之道，故取於族人之中兄弟之倫而主其祭。其祭之就所祭者之祖，服除乃止。其吉祭特牲。尊宗子，從成人也。凡殤則特豚。自卒哭成事之後，為吉祭也。祭殤不舉，無肵俎，無玄酒，不告利成，此其無尸及所降也，其他如成人。舉肺脊、肵俎、利成，禮之於尸也。肵音祈。是謂陰厭。是宗子而殤，祭之於奧之禮也。小宗為殤，其祭禮亦如之。凡殤與無後者，祭於宗子之家，當室之白，樽於東房，是為陽厭。』」凡殤，謂庶子之嫡也，或昆弟之子，或從父昆弟。無後者，如有昆弟及諸父。此則今死者，皆宗子大功之內親共祖禰者也。言祭於宗子之家者，為有異居之道也。無廟者為墠祭之，親者供其牲物，宗子皆主其禮。當室之白，樽於東房，異於宗子之為殤也。當室之白，謂西北隅得戶明者也。明者曰陽。凡祖廟在小宗之家，小宗祭之亦然。宗子之嫡亦為凡殤，過此以往則不祭也。祭法：「王下祭殤五：嫡子，嫡孫，嫡曾孫，嫡玄孫，嫡來孫。諸侯下祭三，大夫下祭二，嫡士及庶人祭子而止。」祭嫡殤者，重嫡也。祭嫡殤於廟之奧，謂之陰厭。王子公子祭其嫡殤於其黨之廟。大夫以下庶子祭其嫡殤於宗子之家。皆當室之白，謂之陽厭。凡庶殤不祭也。蜀譙周云：「庶子之為殤者，祔祠於祖廟，庶子共其牲物，而宗子主其禮。士庶人之庶子，雖成子而無後，亦祔祠於祖，其主之如祭殤。殤及無後雖祔祠於祖廟，皆異日別祭於其處耳。天子諸侯之庶子無子，不得祔祠於其廟，當從其庶祖，昭穆同也。」 |
| According to the Zhou system, Zengzi asked: "When offering sacrifices for a 殇 (a child who died young), it is said that 'the sacrifice must be fully consumed,' because such a person did not complete his growth. It is merely to satisfy the consumption, for he did not become a full-fledged human being; therefore, the rites are incomplete. "To perform sacrifices for one who has completed mourning but without a shi (a representative of the deceased), is to treat him as a 殇." This is treating him the same as someone who did not become an adult. Confucius said: "There are yin 厌 and yang 厌." This means that in the rites for sacrificing to 殇, there are those who 厌 (satisfy) it on the yin side and those who 厌 it on the yang side. Zengzi asked: "If 殇 are not given complete sacrifices, what is meant by yin 厌 and yang 厌?" This means that 殇 are those who did not become adults, so their sacrifices lack complete rites; yet it is said there are yin 厌 and yang 厭? That would be missing Confucius's intent. When sacrificing to an adult, the offering is first set up in the ao (a corner of the hall), before welcoming the shi; this is called yin 厌. After the shi accepts the offering, the food is changed to the northwest corner; this is called yang 厌. Shang are not given complete rites. Confucius said: "If the head of the clan dies as a 殇, the common son does not succeed him." The relatives appoint someone of similar status to take his place, indicating that he is not placed in the ancestral temple according to the order of zhao and mu. When offering sacrifices for him, it should be done at the level of his ancestor alone. The one who takes his place presides over the rites. According to this, since 殇 are not yet full adults and cannot have a successor, one is chosen from among the relatives of similar rank—such as brothers—to preside over their sacrifices. The sacrifice for him should be conducted at the level of the ancestor of the one being sacrificed to, and it stops when mourning clothes are removed. For a regular (non-funeral) sacrifice, only a single animal is used. This shows respect for the head of the clan and follows the rites for an adult. For all 殇, a single piglet is used as sacrifice. This applies from the time of the completion ceremony after the mourning period for funerals has ended, when regular sacrifices begin. When sacrificing to 殇, no lifting of the sacrifice is performed; there are no zhou zhu (meat dishes), no xuanjiu (dark wine), and one does not announce the completion with auspicious words. This is because there is no shi and certain rites have been reduced; otherwise, it follows the same procedures as for an adult. Lifting the lung and spine, offering zhou zhu, and announcing auspicious completion are rites performed in relation to the shi. Zhou is pronounced Qi. This is called yin 厌. This refers to the rites of sacrificing in the ao for a 殇 who was the head of the clan. For a 殇 from a minor branch of the family, the sacrificial rites are also conducted in the same manner. For all 殇 and those without successors, their sacrifices are conducted at the head of the clan's home, in the white area facing the room, with the wine vessels placed in the eastern chamber; this is called yang 厌." The term "shang" refers to a legitimate son of a commoner, or the son of an elder brother, or a nephew from one's father's younger brothers. Those without successors include those who have older or younger brothers and uncles. These are the deceased whose close relatives, within the scope of da gong (a mourning rank), share a common ancestor and parent with the head of the clan. The statement that sacrifices are conducted at the home of the head of the clan refers to the practice of separate residences. For those without a temple, sacrifices are held on an open ground (shen); close relatives provide the sacrificial animals and goods, and the head of the clan presides over all rites. Holding the sacrifice in the white area facing the main room with wine vessels placed in the east chamber is different from how the head of the clan performs sacrifices for 殇. "The white area facing the room" refers to the northwest corner where there is a window allowing light in. The illuminated part is called yang. If the ancestral temple is located in the home of a minor branch head, then sacrifices conducted by this minor branch follow the same practice. The legitimate son of the head of the clan is also considered a common 殇; beyond this, no sacrifices are made for him. The ritual regulations state: "A king offers sacrifices to 殇 in five generations below him: his legitimate son, legitimate grandson, legitimate great-grandson, legitimate great-great-grandson, and legitimate great-great-great-grandson. Princes offer sacrifices to three generations below them; officials sacrifice to two generations; the legitimate commoners and common people only sacrifice to their sons." Sacrificing for a legitimate 殇 emphasizes the importance of legitimacy. Offering sacrifices to a legitimate 殇 in the ao (corner) of the temple is called yin 厌. The sons of kings and princes offer sacrifices for their legitimate 殇 at the temples of their respective clans. Officials of lower ranks and below, when offering sacrifices for the legitimate 殇 of a common son, do so in the home of the head of their clan. Sacrifices are not offered for common 殇. Shu Qiao Zhou said: "For a 殇 who is the son of a commoner, he should be included in ancestral temple sacrifices; the common sons provide the sacrificial offerings, while the head of the clan presides över the rites. The common sons of scholars and commoners, even if they have grown to adulthood but have no successors, should also be included in the ancestral temple sacrifices, with their rites conducted just as for 殇. Although 殇 and those without successors are included in the ancestral temple, they are still separately sacrificed on different days at their designated places. The common sons of emperors and princes who have no descendants cannot be included in sacrifices at their own temples; they should follow the rites of their common ancestors, with zhao and mu ranks being the same." | ||
| 3 | 祭殤: | 晉范甯祭殤議云：「祭法王祭嫡殤，下及五代。愍懷太子、殤太子、哀太孫、沖太孫，自是先帝嫡殤，歷代彌久，而廟祀之禮，於今未廢，謂非禮典之意，宜從埋主之例。」 |
| Jin Fan Ning's discussion on sacrificing to 殇 states: "According to ritual regulations, a king sacrifices for his legitimate 殇 down to the fifth generation. Prince Minhuai, Prince Shang, Grandson Ai, and Grandson Chong—these were all legitimate 殇 of previous emperors. Though the generations have passed long ago, their temple sacrifices continue to this day without being abolished. To say that this is not in accordance with ritual principles would be inappropriate; they should follow the example of burying the spirit tablets." |
《未立廟祭議 - Discussion on Ancestral Rites Without a Temple 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 未立廟祭... : | 晉 |
| Jin | ||
| 2 | 未立廟祭... : | 晉安昌公荀氏祠制云：「荀氏進封大國，今祭六代，暫以廳事為祭室，須立廟如制備物。」 |
| The Jin Anchang gong Xun shi ci zhi records: "The Xun family was promoted to a great fief; now six generations are honored in the ancestral rites. For the time being, the ceremony is held in the hall, but a temple must be built according to regulation and ritual objects prepared." | ||
| 3 | 未立廟祭... : | 殷仲堪問庾叡：「綱紀有承重之身，身服已除，其應祭，吾尚有服，當得於廳事上祭不？」按殷宗有五等封。庾叡等答曰：「宜在別室。」又問云：「依禮，祭皆於宗子之家，支子每往助祭耳。又如吾家五等封，乃應有廟。今既無廟，而共家常以廳事為烝嘗之所。今一朝忽移別室，意殊不安。」劉功曹答云：「昔魯襄公尚於兄弟之廟，假鐘磬以成禮，今於廳事當無嫌也。」 |
| Yin Zhongkan asked Yu Rui: "If an official in charge of discipline is a descendant bearing the weight of mourning, and his period of mourning has ended, should he still conduct ancestral rites? I am still in mourning; may I perform the rites on the upper hall?" The descendants of Yin had five ranks of fiefs. Yu Rui and others replied: "It should be conducted in a separate room." He also asked, "According to the rites, ancestral sacrifices are held at the residence of the head of the clan; collateral descendants merely attend and assist in the rituals." Moreover, as our family has five ranks of fiefs, we should have a temple. Now that there is no temple, the household commonly uses the hall as the place for ancestral sacrifices. To suddenly move to a different room today would cause great unease." Liu Gongcao replied, "In the past, Duke Xiang of Lu still used his brothers' temple and borrowed bells and chimes to complete the rites; therefore, there should be no objection to holding them in the hall today." |
《公除祭議 - Discussion on Sacrifices after Resuming Public Duties 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 公除祭議: | 東晉 宋 |
| Eastern Jin Song | ||
| 2 | 公除祭議: | 東晉成帝咸和七年，虞潭上表云：「今之諸侯服其親，皆與士同，無復降殺。大宗之家，喪服累仍，若皆不祭，是先人之享嘗，永為有廢。或難曰：「士獨非孝子也？」答曰：「士賤，不得伸其意也。」臣謂三月之後，禮情漸殺，若非父母之喪，尚通內外，服踰月，既葬，可祭宗廟。」博士通議，宜如潭所上，會有軍事，未及施行。 |
| In the seventh year of Xianhe reign period of Emperor Chengdi of the Eastern Jin (332 AD), Yu Tan submitted a memorial stating: "At present, the feudal lords who serve their relatives all rank equally with common scholars, and there is no longer any distinction in hierarchy." In the great clans, mourning rites have accumulated over generations. If all ancestral sacrifices are discontinued, then the offerings and enjoyment of our ancestors will forever be abandoned. Someone objects: "Is a scholar alone not a filial son?" Answer: "A scholar is lowly and cannot express his intentions." I believe that after three months, the rites and emotions gradually diminish. If it is not the mourning of one's parents, then communication between inside and outside is still permitted; if the mourning period exceeds a month, once the burial has taken place, ancestral temple sacrifices may proceed." The imperial scholars discussed and agreed that it should be carried out as Yu Tan had proposed; however, due to military affairs, it was not implemented in time. | ||
| 3 | 公除祭議: | 咸康三年十月二十七日，虞潭有嗣子喪，既葬，依令文行喪三十日，至十二月十日公除，其日鲮祭宗廟。潭自為論曰：「余身受公除，歲終大鲮，至敬兼興，如當遂闕，心所不安，故諮之有識。難曰：『禮，素衣芻席，不入廟門，不以凶干神明之位。緦喪雖輕，脫服而祭，況嗣子當承祚者乎？』答曰：『高宗三年諒闇，今則不爾，帝王既葬，縞素躬親宗廟之獻，不以喪遂闕者，蓋國之大事，在祀與戎也。且吉祭廷有金石鏗鏘之和，今去凶制而奉烝嘗，干戚戢而不振，慎終之情不遠，隨時之義亦通也。』」 |
| On the twenty-seventh day of the tenth month in the third year of Xiankang (337 AD), Yu Tan experienced the death of his heir son. After the burial, he observed mourning for thirty days according to the official regulations and on the tenth day of the twelfth month resumed public duties; on that day, sacrifices were offered at the ancestral temple. Yu Tan himself stated in his essay: "I personally resumed public duties after mourning, and at the end of the year, I was to perform the major sacrifice. The utmost respect should be combined with this occasion. If I were to omit it, my heart would feel uneasy; therefore, I consulted those who are knowledgeable. Objection: "According to the rites, one should wear plain clothes and sit on straw mats; one must not enter the temple gate, for misfortune should not interfere with the position of divine spirits. "Even though mourning for a distant relative is light, one must remove mourning attire before making sacrifices; how much more so when it concerns the heir son who should inherit the ancestral line?" Answer: "Emperor Gaozong observed a three-year mourning period of seclusion, but this is not the case today. After emperors are buried, they personally offer sacrifices to the ancestral temple in plain white garments; the reason why mourning does not prevent such rites from proceeding is that these are major matters for the state—sacrifices and military affairs." Moreover, during joyous sacrifices in the court, there is a harmonious sound of bronze and stone chimes. Now, by removing mourning rites to perform ancestral offerings, halting drums and weapons without raising them again, one's careful observance of the end (of life) is not distant, and the meaning of adapting to circumstances is also appropriate. " | ||
| 4 | 公除祭議: | 徐藻議云：「古無公除，吉凶之服不可相干，故緦不祭耳。今既公除，吉服而行，則可吉祭。今既吉服，無事不可，而大事反可闕耶？若以心喪為疑者，則出母子為父後，得以含悲而祭矣。又禮有死宮中，三月不舉祭；齊縗之禮，三月不從政。意者雖速公除，猶宜待滿三月。又問：『同宮之喪而未葬，雖公除，可以祭不？』答曰：『公除不祭，本與於外喪耳。若同宮之喪，雖未葬，此不可也。』」 |
| Xu Zao argued: "In ancient times, there was no such thing as resuming public duties after mourning; rites for joyous and sorrowful occasions must not interfere with each other. Therefore, one who is in mourning for a distant relative should not perform sacrifices." "Now that public duties have been resumed and joyous attire is worn, then it is appropriate to conduct joyous sacrifices." Now that one is wearing joyous attire, nothing should be considered inappropriate; how can a major matter such as this instead be omitted? If one doubts the sincerity of mourning in heart, then even an adopted son who becomes the heir to his father's line may offer sacrifices while still grieving. Moreover, according to rites, if someone dies within the palace, ancestral sacrifices are not held for three months; the mourning rites of qicui require that one does not participate in government affairs for three months. The intention is that although the resumption of public duties may occur quickly, it would still be appropriate to wait until the full three months have passed. Another question was raised: "In the case of a death within the same palace that has not yet been buried, even if public duties are resumed, may sacrifices still be offered?" Answer: "Not offering sacrifices after resuming public duties originally applies only to external funerals. If it is a death within the same palace, even if burial has not yet taken place, this would still be inappropriate." "" | ||
| 5 | 公除祭議: | 宋庾蔚之謂：「公除是公家除其喪服，以從公家之吉事。若公家無齋禁，則其受弔臨靈，及私常著喪服，豈得輒釋凶服以執吉祭乎？徐藻乃云外喪公除，雖停殯，可吉祭，恐此非祖禰之所享也。兄弟別居，便為外喪，未葬公除而可以烝嘗，未之聞也。」 |
| Yu Weizhi of the Song dynasty said: "Resuming public duties means that the state removes one's mourning attire, allowing participation in official joyous affairs. If the state does not impose restrictions on fasting, then receiving condolences at the funeral and continuing to wear mourning attire in private is customary; how could one suddenly discard mourning attire to perform joyous sacrifices? Xu Zao then claimed that for external funerals, resuming public duties allows one to conduct joyous sacrifices even if the body remains in temporary storage; however, this is feared to be something our ancestors would not accept. If brothers live separately, their deaths are considered external funerals; yet I have never heard of cases where one resumes public duties and performs ancestral sacrifices before burial." |
《上陵 - Offering Sacrifices at Mausoleums 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 上陵: | 拜掃及諸節上食附○ |
| Bai Sao and various festivals offerings attached ○ | ||
| 2 | 上陵: | 漢 後漢 魏 晉 東晉 宋 後魏 大唐 |
| Han, Later Han, Wei, Jin, Eastern Jin, Song, Later Wei, Da Tang | ||
| 3 | 上陵: | 三代以前無墓祭，至秦，始起寢殿於墓側。 |
| Before the Three Dynasties there was no tomb worship; it was not until the Qin dynasty that sleeping halls were first built beside tombs. | ||
| 4 | 上陵: | 漢因秦，上陵皆有園寢，故稱寢殿。起居衣服象生人之具，古寢之意也。 |
| The Han dynasty followed the Qin, and all imperial mausoleums had garden sleeping halls; hence they were called sleeping halls. Daily necessities and clothing resembled those of living people, which was the original meaning of the sleeping hall in ancient times. | ||
| 5 | 上陵: | 後漢都雒陽，以關西諸陵久遠，但四時特牲祀，每帝西幸，即親謁。其雒陽陵，每正月上丁，祀郊廟畢，以次上陵。百官、四姓親家婦女、公主、諸王大夫、袁宏漢紀曰：「明帝永平九年，為外戚樊氏、郭氏、陰氏、馬氏諸子弟立學，號曰四姓小侯。」獨斷曰：「凡與先后有瓜葛者。」外國朝者侍子、郡國計吏會陵。晝漏上水，大鴻臚設九賓，隨立寢殿前。薛綜曰：「九賓謂王、侯、公、卿、二千石、六百石下及郎、吏、匈奴侍子，凡九等也。」鐘鳴，謁者、理禮引客，群臣就位如儀。乘輿自東廂下，太常導出，西向拜，折旋升阼階，拜神座，退。後公卿群臣謁神座，太官上食，太常樂奏食舉，舞文始、五行之舞。文始舞者，本舜韶舞也。高祖更名文始，以示不相襲也。五行舞者，本周舞也，秦始皇更名五行之舞也。樂闋，群臣受賜食畢，郡國上計吏以次前，當神軒告其郡國穀價，人所疾苦，欲神知其動靜。孝子事親，盡敬愛之心也。謝承漢書曰：「靈帝建寧五年正月，車駕上原陵，蔡邕為司徒掾，從公行，到陵，見其儀，愾然謂同座者曰：『聞古不墓祭。朝廷有上陵之禮，始謂可損，今見其儀，察其本意，乃知孝明至孝惻隱，不可易舊。』或曰：『本意云何？』『昔在長安時，其禮不可盡得聞也。光武即世，始葬於此。明帝嗣位，踰年，群臣朝正，感先帝不復聞見此禮，乃帥公卿百僚，就園陵而刱焉。尚書階西祭設神座，天子事亡事存之意也。以帝聖孝之心，親服三年，久在園陵，初興此儀，仰察几筵，下顧群臣，悲切之心，必不可堪。』邕見太傅胡廣曰：『國家禮有煩而不省者，昔不知先帝用心周密之至於此也。』廣曰：『然。子當載之，以示學者。』邕退而記焉。」最後親陵，遣計吏，賜之帶佩。八月飲酎，上陵，禮亦如之。丁孚漢儀曰：「酎金律，文帝所加，以正月朝作酒，八月成，名酎酒。因令諸侯助祭貢金。」漢律金布令：「諸侯、列侯各以人口數，率千口奉金肆兩，奇不滿千口至五百口亦四兩，皆會酎，少府受。又九真、交趾、日南者，用犀角二，長九寸以上，若玳瑁甲一，鬱林用象牙長三尺以上，若翡翠各二十，準以當金。」漢舊儀曰：「皇帝於八月酎。皇帝暮視牲，以鑑燧取水於月，以火燧取火於日，為明水火。左袒，以水沃牛右肩，手執鸞刀，以切牛尾之毛，即更衣，侍中上熟，乃祀。」至靈帝，皆以弦、晦、二十四氣、伏、社、臘及四時祀祠廟。日上飯，太宮人隨鼓漏，理被枕，盥水，陳嚴具。 |
| The Later Han dynasty had its capital at Luoyang, and since the various tombs in Guanxi were distant, only special sacrificial animals were offered seasonally. Whenever an emperor traveled westward, he would personally visit them. For the Luoyang mausoleums, on the first Ding day of the first month after completing sacrifices at the suburban temples and ancestral shrines, they would proceed in order to visit the tombs. All officials, women of the four surnames who were relatives by marriage, princesses, marquises and dukes of various royal clans, Yuan Hong's Han Ji states: "In the ninth year of Emperor Mingdi's Yongping reign period (56 AD), schools were established for the descendants of the maternal relatives Fan Shi, Guo Shi, Yin Shi, and Ma Shi, known as the Four Surnames' Young Lords." Duduan says: "Anyone who is related by marriage to the empress or empress dowager." Foreign envoins, tribute students, and officials from commanderies and kingdoms would gather at the mausoleum. During the day when water was poured into the clepsydra, the Grand Director of Ceremonies would arrange nine guests and station them in front of the sleeping hall. Xue Zong said: "The nine guests refer to kings, marquises, dukes, ministers, officials of 2000 dan rank, officials of 600 dan rank and below, as well as attendants from the Xiongnu, totaling nine ranks." The bell was rung, and the attendants in charge of ceremonies led the guests; all officials took their positions according to protocol. The imperial carriage descended from the eastern corridor, and the Grand Minister of Ceremonies led it out. Facing westward, the emperor bowed, turned around, ascended the main steps, paid homage at the spirit seat, then stepped back. Later, high-ranking officials and ministers paid homage at the spirit seat; the Grand Imperial Kitchen presented food offerings. The Grand Minister of Ceremonies directed music to be played for the meal ceremony, accompanied by performances of the Wen Shi and Wu Xing dances. The Wen Shi dance originally derived from the Shao dance of Emperor Shun. Emperor Gaozu renamed it Wen Shi to indicate that it was not a continuation of previous traditions. The Wu Xing dance originated from the Zhou dynasty's dances, and Emperor Qin Shi Huang renamed it the Wu Xing Dance." After the music ended, all officials received their food offerings and finished eating. In turn, the officials from commanderies and kingdoms approached before the spirit pavilion to report grain prices in their regions and the hardships of the people, so that the spirits would be aware of current conditions. A filial son serving his parents should express complete respect and love. Xie Cheng's Han Shu states: "In the first month of Jianning five years (172 AD) during Emperor Lingdi's reign, the imperial procession ascended to Yuanling. Cai Yong was a clerk under the Grand Tutor and accompanied his superior on this journey. Upon arriving at the tomb and witnessing the ceremony, he solemnly said to those seated with him: 'I have heard that in ancient times there were no sacrifices held at tombs." The court has established rituals for visiting mausoleums. I originally thought they could be reduced, but now having witnessed the ceremony and examined its original intent, I realize that Emperor Ming's profound filial piety and compassion cannot be altered from tradition.'" Someone asked: "What was the original intent?" "I recall that when I was in Chang'an, the full details of this ritual were not entirely known to me. Emperor Guangwu passed away and was first buried here. After Emperor Mingdi succeeded to the throne, more than a year later, when officials paid homage during the New Year's ceremony, they felt sorrow that their late emperor would no longer witness this ritual. Thus, he led ministers and all government officials to the garden mausoleum and established it there. The imperial shrine was set up west of the Grand Secretariat's steps, symbolizing the emperor's service to both the living and the deceased. "Because of the emperor's profound filial devotion, he personally observed a three-year mourning period and remained at the garden mausoleum for an extended time. When this ritual was first initiated, looking upward to the ancestral shrine and downward upon his ministers, the sorrowful feelings were truly unbearable." Yong saw Grand Tutor Hu Guang and said, "There are certain court rituals that appear complicated but lack thorough understanding; I never knew the late emperor's care was so meticulous as this." Guang replied: "Indeed. You should record this and show it to scholars." Yong withdrew and recorded it." At the final visit to the imperial mausoleum, officials responsible for submitting reports were sent off with sashes and ornaments as gifts. In August during the drinking of chou wine, a visit to the mausoleum was made, and the rituals followed the same procedures. Ding Fu's Han Yi states: "The law regarding chou gold was added by Emperor Wendi, who ordered that in the first month of the year, wine would be brewed for court offerings and completed in August; this wine was named chou jiu. He also required feudal lords to contribute gold as part of their assistance with the sacrificial rites." The Han dynasty's Jinbu Ordinance states: "Feudal lords and marquises were to contribute gold according to the number of their subjects, at a rate of four taels per 1000 people. For populations with odd numbers less than 1000 but more than 500, they also contributed four taels. All these contributions would be combined for the chou wine offering, and collected by the Shaofu (Ministry of Revenue). Additionally, for the regions of Jiuzhen, Jiaozhi, and Rinnan, two rhinoceros horns measuring over nine cun in length or one tortoiseshell were to be contributed. For Yulin, elephant tusks longer than three chi or twenty each of jadeite feathers were required, with these items valued as equivalent to gold." The old Han dynasty ritual states: "The emperor would conduct the chou wine ceremony in August. In the evening, the emperor inspected the sacrificial animals, used a mirror and fire starter to collect water from the moonlight, and used a solar fire starter to obtain fire from the sun, thus creating sacred water and fire. He would then expose his left shoulder, pour the water over the right shoulder of the ox, hold a luan dao (a ceremonial knife), and cut the hair from the tail of the ox. After changing clothes, an attendant-in-attendance would present the cooked offerings, and then the sacrifice could proceed." By Emperor Lingdi's time, sacrifices were conducted at temples on all occasions including the first and last days of each lunar month, the twenty-four solar terms, the Awakening of Insects (Fu), the Earth God Festival (She), the Lunar New Year (La) as well as seasonal offerings. Each day, meals were presented; senior palace attendants followed the drum and clepsydra signals to arrange bedding and pillows, prepare water for washing, and set out ceremonial items. | ||
| 6 | 上陵: | 魏文帝詔曰：「先帝躬履節儉，遺詔省約。子以述父為孝，臣以繫事為忠。古不墓祭，皆設於廟。先帝高平陵上殿皆毀壞，車馬還廄，衣服藏府，以從先帝儉德之志。」遂革上陵之禮。及齊王在位九載，始一謁高平陵。 |
| Emperor Wen of Wei issued an edict stating: "The late emperor personally practiced frugality and left behind instructions for simplicity. A son demonstrates filial piety by following his father's example, and a minister shows loyalty by adhering to the affairs entrusted to him. In ancient times there were no tomb sacrifices; all rituals were conducted in ancestral temples. The upper halls of the late emperor's Gaoping Mausoleum were all destroyed, carriages and horses returned to stables, clothing stored in government warehouses, so as to follow the late emperor's wish for frugality." Thus, they abolished the ritual of visiting mausoleums. It was not until Emperor Qi reigned for nine years that he first paid a visit to Gaoping Mausoleum. | ||
| 7 | 上陵: | 晉宣王遺令「子弟群官皆不得謁陵」，景、文遵旨。武帝猶再謁崇陽陵，景帝陵。一謁峻平陵，文帝陵。然遂不敢謁高原陵，宣帝陵。至惠帝復止也。 |
| Sima Yi, the Duke of Jin's Xuan Wang, left instructions stating "descendants and officials must not visit the mausoleum," which Emperors Jing and Wu followed. Emperor Wu still visited Chongyang Mausoleum twice, the tomb of Emperor Jing. once visited Junping Mausoleum, the tomb of Emperor Wen. łoż However, they dared not visit Gaoyuan Mausoleum thereafter, the tomb of the Xuan Emperor. This practice continued until Emperor Huidi's reign when it was once again discontinued. | ||
| 8 | 上陵: | 東晉元帝崩後，諸公始有謁陵辭陵之事，蓋由眷同友執，率情而舉也。成帝時，中宮亦年年拜陵，議者以為非禮，遂止。穆帝時，褚太后臨朝，又拜陵，帝時幼也。孝武崩，驃騎將軍會稽王道子曰：「今雖權制釋服，至於朔日月半諸節，自應展情陵所，以一周為斷。」於是至陵，變服單衣，煩瀆無準，非禮也。及安帝元興元年，左僕射桓謙奏：「百僚拜陵，起於中興，非晉舊典，積習生常，遂為近法。尋武帝詔，乃不使人主諸王拜陵。」及義熙初，又復江左之舊。 |
| After the death of Emperor Yuandi of the Eastern Jin dynasty, high officials first began to visit and bid farewell at his mausoleum; this was due to their deep affection for him as a friend, acting on personal emotion. During Emperor Chengdi's reign, the empress dowager also paid annual visits to the mausoleum each year; however, critics considered this improper, so it was discontinued. During Emperor Mudi's reign, Empress Dowager Chu, who held court authority, resumed visiting the mausoleum; at that time, the emperor was still a child. After Emperor Xiaowu's death, General of the Chariot and Horse Kuaiji Wang Daozi said: "Now that we have temporarily lifted mourning attire, on the fifteenth day of each lunar month and during other festivals, it is only natural to express our feelings at the mausoleum once a week." As a result, when they arrived at the mausoleum, they changed into simple mourning clothes and single-layer garments; however, these visits became frequent and lacked clear standards, which was not in accordance with ritual propriety. When Emperor Andi's Yuanxing first year (402 AD), the Left Puye Minister Huan Qian presented a memorial: "The practice of officials paying homage at mausoleums began during the Zhongxing era, not part of the old Jin dynasty regulations. Over time it became customary and was eventually adopted as recent law. Reviewing Emperor Wu's edicts, we find that he did not permit emperors or royal princes to visit mausoleums." In the early Yixi period, the old practices of Jiangzuo were once again restored. | ||
| 9 | 上陵: | 宋文帝每歲正月謁初寧陵，武帝陵。孝武、明帝亦每歲拜初寧、長寧陵。文帝陵。 |
| Emperor Wendi of Song visited Chuning Mausoleum the tomb of Emperor Wu every first month of the year. Emperors Xiaowu and Mingdi also paid homage to Chuning and Changning Mausoleums each year. The tomb of Emperor Wendi. | ||
| 10 | 上陵: | 後魏太和十六年九月辛未，孝文帝哭於文明太后陵左，終日不絕聲。素幕越音活席為次，侍臣侍哭。壬申，孝文又哭如昨。帝二日不御食。癸酉，朝中夕三時，哭拜於陵前。夜宿鑒玄殿，是夜徹次。甲戌，帝拜哭辭陵，還永樂宮。 |
| In the sixteenth year of the Taihe reign period (492 AD) on the Xinwei day of the ninth month, Emperor Xiaowen wept at the left side of Empress Dowager Wenming's tomb, his sobs continuing all day without ceasing. White canopies were arranged in order on plain mats pronounced Hua, and attendants stood by to weep with him. On the Rishen day, Emperor Xiaowen once again cried as he had the previous day. The emperor did not eat for two days. On the Gyou day, during morning and evening sessions three times a day, he wept and paid homage before the tomb. He spent the night at Jianxuan Hall; that night, the mourning arrangements were completely set up. On the Jiuxu day, the emperor paid homage and wept as he bid farewell to the tomb before returning to Yongle Palace. | ||
| 11 | 上陵: | 大唐貞觀十三年，太宗朝於獻陵。先是日，宿設黃麾仗周衛陵寢，至是質明，七廟子孫及諸侯百僚、蕃夷君長，皆陪列於司馬門內。太宗至小次，降輿納履，哭於闕門，西面再拜，慟絕不能興。禮畢，改服入於寢宮，親執饌，閱視高祖先后服御之物，悲慟，左右侍御者莫不歔欷。禮畢，太宗出自寢宮，步過司馬門，泥行二百餘步。上入寢，哭踊，絕於地。進至東階，西面再拜，號慟久之。乃進太牢之饌，加珍羞具品。引大尉無忌、司空勣、越王貞、趙王福、曹王明及左屯衛將軍程知節，並入執爵進俎。上至神座前，拜哭，奠饌，閱先帝先后衣服，拜辭訖，行哭出寢北門，乃御小輦還宮。 |
| In the thirteenth year of the Zhenguan reign period (639 AD) of the Da Tang dynasty, Emperor Taizong paid homage at Xianling. The day before, yellow banners and military formations were arranged around the tomb hall for protection. On this day at dawn, descendants of the seven ancestral temples as well as feudal lords, officials, and leaders from foreign tribes all lined up inside Simen Gate to accompany the ceremony. Emperor Taizong arrived at a small pavilion, dismounted from his carriage and put on his shoes, wept before the gate, faced westward to bow twice, and was overcome with grief, unable to rise. After the ceremony, he changed into mourning attire and entered the sleeping hall, personally presenting food offerings. He reviewed Emperor Gaozu's imperial robes and other personal belongings of his ancestors, weeping bitterly; those attending him could not help but sigh with emotion. After the ceremony was completed, Emperor Taizong exited from the sleeping hall and walked past Simen Gate on foot, trudging through mud for over two hundred paces. The emperor entered the sleeping hall again, wept while wailing in grief, and collapsed to the ground. He proceeded to the eastern steps, faced westward and bowed twice, then cried out in prolonged sorrow for a long time. Then he presented offerings of the grand sacrificial feast, adding delicacies and all kinds of food items. He summoned Grand Marshal Wu Ji, Minister of Works Pei Ji, Prince Yue Zheng, Prince Zhao Fu, Prince Cao Ming, and General Cheng Zhijie of the Left Tunnan Guard to enter together and hold wine vessels and present sacrificial offerings. The emperor arrived before the spirit seat, bowed and wept, offered food, reviewed the clothing of his late parents, then after paying homage and bidding farewell, he exited through the northern gate of the sleeping hall while still in tears, finally boarding a small palanquin to return to the palace. | ||
| 12 | 上陵: | 高宗永徽二年，有司言：「謹按獻陵三年之後，每朔及月半上食，其冬夏至、伏、臘、清明、社等節日，亦上食。其昭陵請依獻陵故事。」上從之。六年正月，謁於昭陵。有司先設儀衛於陵寢，質明，七廟子孫、二王後、百僚、州鎮藩牧、四夷君長等並陪列於位。皇帝降輦，入次，易服出次，行哭就位，再拜，擗踊慟絕。禮畢，又改服，奉謁寢宮。其妃嬪、公主先於神座左右侍列如平生。帝入寢門即哭，瞻視幄座，踊絕於地。進至東階，西面再拜，號哭。乃進牢饌珍羞，引三公、諸王並入執爵進俎。帝至神座前，再拜哭，自奠饌，閱先帝先后衣服，更增感絕，拜辭訖，行哭出寢北門。 |
| In the second year of Emperor Gaozong's Yonghui reign period (651 AD), officials reported: "Carefully following regulations for Xianling, after three years, food offerings are presented on the first and fifteenth days of each lunar month. On festivals such as the winter and summer solstices, Awakening of Insects, Lunar New Year, Qingming Festival, and Earth God Festival, food is also offered. For Zhao Ling, we request to follow the precedent set for Xianling." The emperor approved it. In January of the sixth year, he paid homage at Zhao Ling. Officials had previously arranged ceremonial guards at the tomb hall. At dawn, descendants of the Seven Temples, successors to the two royal houses, officials, governors of states and frontier regions, as well as leaders from various tribes all took their positions in attendance. The emperor descended from his palanquin, entered the pavilion, changed into mourning clothes, exited the pavilion again, walked in tears to take position, bowed twice, and wailed with such grief that he collapsed. After completing the ceremony, he once again changed into mourning attire and paid homage in the sleeping hall. The empresses, concubines, and princesses had previously lined up on both sides of the spirit seat as they would in life. As soon as the emperor entered the gate of the sleeping hall, he began to weep, gazed at the canopy and seat, and collapsed from grief. He proceeded to the eastern steps and faced westward for a second bow while wailing loudly in sorrow. Then he presented sacrificial food and delicacies, summoning the Three Dukes and royal princes to enter together to hold wine vessels and offer sacrifices. The emperor arrived before the spirit altar, bowed twice and wept, personally presented food offerings, reviewed his late parents' clothing, became even more overwhelmed with emotion, and after paying homage and bidding farewell in tears, exited through the northern gate of the tomb hall while still crying. | ||
| 13 | 上陵: | 景龍二年，是時每日奠祭。太常博士彭景直上疏曰：「謹按三禮正文，無諸陵日祭之事。又按禮論譙周祭志云：『天子之廟，始祖及高祖、曾祖、祖、考，皆每月朔加薦新，以象平生朔食也，謂之月祭。二祧之廟，時祭，無月祭。』此譙周所著，與古禮義合，本無日祭之文。今諸陵月祭，有朔日月半并諸節日料，則古禮殷事之義矣，諸節日猶薦新之義矣。故鄭玄注禮記云：『殷事，朔日月半薦新之奠也。』又注儀禮云：『月朔月半，猶平常之朝夕也。大祥之後，即四時祭焉。』此則古者祭皆在廟。近代以來，始分月朔月半及諸節日，祭於陵寢。至後漢陵寢致祭，無明文以言。自魏三祖以下，不於陵寢致祭，並符於古禮。至於江左，亦不崇園寢。及宋齊梁陳，其祭無聞。今參詳以為三禮者，不刊之書，懸諸日月。外傳所記，不與經合，不可依憑。其諸陵請準禮停日祭。」帝曰：「禮因人情，事有沿革，陵寢如昨，祗薦是常。乍覽此奏，但增哀慕。乾陵宜依舊朝晡進奠，昭獻二陵，每日一進，以為恆式。」 |
| In the second year of Jiaolong (708 AD), at that time sacrifices were offered daily. Pei Jingzhi, a scholar of the Grand Minister of Ceremonies, submitted a memorial stating: "Carefully examining the original texts of the Three Rites, there is no mention of daily sacrifices at various mausoleums. Furthermore, according to the Li Lun by Qiao Zhou in his Ji Zhi: "The ancestral temples of an emperor include the founding ancestor and the great-grandfather, grandfather, father, and ancestors. Sacrifices with new offerings are added on the first day of each month to resemble their daily meals during life; this is called a monthly sacrifice. "For temples of secondary ancestors, seasonal sacrifices were held, not monthly ones." This was written by Qiao Zhou and aligns with the principles of ancient rites; there is no original text mentioning daily sacrifices. Now, for the various mausoleums with monthly sacrifices, offerings are made on the first and fifteenth day of each month as well as during festivals; this reflects the meaning of frequent sacrificial rites in ancient rituals. The festival days still embody the significance of presenting new offerings. Therefore, Zheng Xuan annotated the Book of Rites saying: "Frequent sacrificial rites refer to offerings with new items on the first and fifteenth days of each month." He also annotated the Rites of Zhou saying: "The first and fifteenth day sacrifices are akin to regular morning and evening court appearances. "After the major mourning period, seasonal sacrifices are then held." This indicates that in ancient times, all sacrifices were conducted at ancestral temples. Since recent generations, the practice has begun to divide monthly first and fifteenth-day offerings as well as festival sacrifices, conducting them at mausoleum halls. As for offering sacrifices at the Han dynasty mausoleums and tomb halls, there is no clear textual record to describe it. Since the Three Ancestors of Wei dynasty, sacrifices were not offered at mausoleums or tomb halls, which is in accordance with ancient rites. As for the southern dynasties (Jiangzuo), they also did not emphasize ancestral parks and tomb halls. During the Song, Qi, Liang, and Chen dynasties, there are no records of such sacrifices. Now, after careful consideration, the Three Rites are regarded as unalterable texts, enduring like the sun and moon. Accounts from external sources do not align with the classics and cannot be relied upon. Therefore, it is respectfully requested that daily sacrifices at all mausoleums be discontinued in accordance with ritual principles." The emperor said: "Rituals arise from human sentiment, and practices evolve over time. The tomb halls remain as they were yesterday; the regular offering of sacrifices is customary. Upon first reading this memorial, I am only overwhelmed with sorrow and longing. The Qian Mausoleum should continue the previous practice of morning and evening offerings, while the Zhaoling and Xiling should receive one offering daily as a permanent custom." | ||
| 14 | 上陵: | 舊制，每年四季之月，常遣使往諸陵起居。是日太常博士唐紹上疏曰：「自安宅兆，禮不祭墓。當謂送形而往，山陵為幽靜之宮；迎精而返，宗廟為享薦之室。但以春秋仲月，命使巡陵，鹵簿衣冠，禮容必備。自天授以後，時有起居，因循至今，乃為常事。起者以起動為稱，居者以居止為名，參候動止何如，義非陵寢之法。生事以禮，必勤於定省；死葬以禮，當閟於安厝。豈可以事居之道，行送往之時？敢辭命使勞繁，但恐不安靈域。又降誕之日，穿針之辰，皆以續命為名，時人多有進奉。今聖靈日遠，仙駕難攀，進止起居，恐乖先典。請停四季及降誕并節日起居陵使，但準式二時巡陵，庶義合禮經，陵寢安謐。」不從。 |
| According to old regulations, each year during the four seasonal months, envoys were regularly sent to all mausoleums to inquire about their condition. On this day, Tang Shao, a scholar of the Grand Master of Ceremonies, submitted an memorial stating: "Since the establishment of ancestral tombs, rituals do not include sacrifices at graves. It should be understood that when one's physical form is sent away, the mausoleum becomes a quiet and secluded palace; the ancestral temple serves as the place for receiving spiritual offerings. However, during the middle months of spring and autumn, envoys are sent to inspect the mausoleums; ceremonial processions with official attire must be fully prepared. Since the Tian Shou period, there have been occasional inspections of mausoleums, which has continued to this day as a regular practice. The term "qi" refers to movement, and "ju" refers to rest; inquiring about the state of activity or stillness is not in accordance with proper ritual for mausoleums. When dealing with matters concerning life, one must diligently perform filial duties; When burying the deceased in accordance with rites, they should be kept secret and undisturbed in their final resting place. How can one apply the etiquette of daily life to a time of farewell? I dare to decline the order for such laborious missions, but I am afraid it may disturb the spirits in their resting place. Moreover, on birthdays and days for needle-threading ceremonies, people often offered gifts under the name of prolonging life. Now that Your Majesty's spirit is far removed and your divine presence difficult to reach, continuing these practices of greetings and inquiries may contradict the established rituals. It is respectfully requested to discontinue seasonal, birthday, and festival inspections of the mausoleums by envoys. Instead, only two scheduled visits per year should be conducted in accordance with established regulations; this would align with ritual principles and ensure peace and tranquility at the tomb halls." The request was not accepted. | ||
| 15 | 上陵: | 開元二十年四月，制曰：「寒食上墓，禮經無文，近代相傳，浸以成俗，士庶有不合廟享，何以用展孝思？宜許上墓同拜掃。禮於塋南門外，奠祭饌訖，泣辭。食餘饌任於他處。不得作樂。仍編入五禮，永為恆式。」 |
| In the fourth month of the twentieth year of Kaiyuan, an imperial decree stated: "Offering sacrifices at ancestral tombs on the Cold Food Festival is not mentioned in the ritual classics. However, it has been passed down through recent generations and gradually become a custom. For scholars and commoners who cannot perform temple sacrifices, how else can they express filial devotion? Therefore, permission is granted to offer sacrifices at ancestral tombs in the same manner as conducting ritual bows and sweeping. The rites are performed outside the southern gate of the tomb, where food offerings are presented and sacrifices completed, followed by weeping and bidding farewell. Any leftover sacrificial food may be consumed elsewhere. Music must not be played. This should also be compiled into the Five Rites and serve as a permanent regulation." | ||
| 16 | 上陵: | 二十三年四月，敕：「獻昭乾定橋恭六陵，朔望上食，歲冬至寒食日，各設一祭，如節祭共，朔望日相逢，依節祭料。橋陵除此日外，仍每日進半口羊食。」 |
| In the fourth month of the twenty-third year, an imperial edict stated: "For the Xianling, Zhaoling, Qianling, Dingqiaoling, Gongling, and Liuling mausoleums, food offerings should be presented on the first and fifteenth of each lunar month. On the winter solstice and Cold Food Festival each year, one sacrifice should be held respectively. If these days coincide with seasonal festivals or the first/fifteenth day, follow the provisions for festival sacrifices." "For the Qiaoling Mausoleum, in addition to these days, half a lamb's worth of food should still be offered daily." | ||
| 17 | 上陵: | 天寶二年七月敕：「朕承丕業，肅恭祀事，至於諸節，常修薦享。且詩著授衣，令存休澣，在於臣子，猶及恩私，恭事園陵，未標令式。自今以後，每至九月一日，薦衣於陵寢。貽範千載，庶展孝思。且仲夏端午，事無典實，傳之淺俗，遂乃移風，況乎以孝道人，因親設教，變游衣於漢紀，成獻服於禮文，宜宣示庶僚，令知朕意。」初，顯慶五年二月二十四日，高宗以每年二時，太常少卿分行二陵，事重人輕，又不備鹵簿，威儀有闕，乃詔三公行事，太常卿少卿為副。太常造鹵簿。事畢則納於本司，仍著於令。 |
| In the seventh month of the second year of Tianbao, an imperial edict said: "I have inherited a great legacy and diligently observed sacrificial rites. Regarding various festivals, I regularly perform offerings with reverence. Moreover, the Book of Songs mentions granting clothes and commands for rest and washing. For ministers and sons, these are still acts of private kindness; reverently tending to ancestral parks and mausoleums has not yet been established as an official regulation. From now on, every September 1st, new clothing should be offered at the mausoleum halls. This will leave a model for future generations and allow filial devotion to be properly expressed. Moreover, the midsummer Dragon Boat Festival lacks classical basis and has been passed down as a shallow custom, gradually changing customs. How much more so for those who follow filial piety; by honoring their parents they establish teachings, transforming casual attire into formal offerings in accordance with ritual texts. This should be announced to all officials so that they understand my intent." Initially, on the twenty-fourth day of the second month in the fifth year of Xianqing, Emperor Gaozong decreed that since two seasonal sacrifices were held each year and the Vice Minister of Ceremonies was assigned to oversee both mausoleums separately, this placed too much responsibility on an individual with insufficient ceremony, as no full procession was provided, resulting in a lack of proper dignity. Therefore, he ordered the Three Dukes to conduct the rites, with the Minister and Vice Minister of Ceremonies serving as assistants. The Grand Master of Ceremonies prepared a full ceremonial procession. After the ceremony, the records were returned to their respective offices and formally included in official regulations. |
URN: ctp:tongdian/52