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-> -> -> Rites 32

《禮三十二 - Rites 32》

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天子追尊祖考妣 - Emperor Posthumously Honors Ancestors and Parents

English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] Library Resources
1 天子追尊... :
上尊號同○周 漢 魏 晉 宋 齊 梁 陳 後魏 北齊 後周 隋大唐
Bestowment of Honorary Titles: Same as the following dynasties: Zhou, Han, Wei, Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, Chen, Later Wei, Northern Qi, Later Zhou, Sui, and Da Tang (Great Tang)

2 天子追尊... :
周武王追尊王太王亶父、王季歷、文王昌,盧植曰:「太王,王季之父也。美大故稱之。王季,文王之父也。太王實始翦商,王季綏畏,文王懷保,王業所興,故追王也。三妣亦同尊其號。」所以追之,不以卑臨尊也。不用諸侯之號臨天子也。追王太王、王季以下者,以王跡之所由也。文王稱王早矣,於殷猶為諸侯,於是著焉。
The King Wu of Zhou posthumously honored Wang Taiwang Danfu, Wang Ji Li, and Wenwang Chang. Lu Zhi said: "Taiwang was the father of Wangji." He was greatly virtuous, hence he was honored with this title. Wangji was the father of Wenwang. Taiwang actually began to weaken the Shang dynasty, Wangji brought peace and caution, Wenwang practiced benevolence and protection; these were the origins of the royal cause, hence they were posthumously granted kingship. The three consorts were also honored with corresponding titles." They were posthumously honored in this way to avoid having the inferior overshadow the superior. Not using the titles of feudal lords over that of an emperor. The reason for posthumously granting kingship to Taiwang, Wangji and those below them is because they were the progenitors of the royal lineage. Wenwang had long been called a king, but during the Yin dynasty he was still a feudal lord; thus it is recorded here.

3 天子追尊... :
漢高帝五日一朝太公,太公家令說太公曰:「天無二日,士無二王。太公雖父,乃人臣也,奈何使人主朝人臣?如此,則威重不行矣。」後上朝太公,太公擁篲,迎門卻行。上大驚,下扶太公。太公曰:「帝,人主,奈何以我亂天下法!」上善家令言,賜黃金五百斤。詔曰:「人之至親,莫大於父子。故父有天下傳之於子,子有天下歸尊於父,此人道極也。朕平暴亂,以安天下,此皆太公之教訓也。」乃尊太公為「太上皇」。後漢荀悅曰:「孝經云:『故雖天子,必有尊也,言有父也。』王者父事三老以示天下,所以明孝也。無父猶設三老之禮,況其存者乎!孝莫大於嚴父,故子尊不加於父母。家令之言,於是過矣。」晉愍懷太子令問中庶子劉寶云:「太公家令說太公,為是?為非?」對曰:「荀悅論賜家令為非,臣以悅不識高帝意。高帝雖貴為天子,事父不失子之禮。時即位已六年,而不加父號,是以家令言『雖父乃人臣也』,言無可尊敬名號,當與人臣同禮,欲以此感動之。帝聞家令言乃悟,即立號太上皇,得人子尊父之道。若不聞家令言,父終無號矣。家令說是也。」又追尊妣曰「昭靈后」。
Emperor Gaozu of Han paid homage to his father, Taigong, once every five days. The household official of Taigong advised Taigong by saying: "Heaven has but one sun; the world has but one king. Although you, Taigong, are my father, you are a subject of the state. How can we allow a sovereign to pay homage to a minister? If this continues, then imperial authority will not be respected." Later, when the emperor came to pay homage again, Taigong held a broom and met him at the door, walking backward in deference. The emperor was greatly surprised and hurriedly helped Taigong up. Taigong said: "Your Majesty is the sovereign of the people; how could I allow myself to disrupt the laws of the empire!" The emperor appreciated his household official's advice and bestowed five hundred jin of gold upon him. An edict was issued: "Among the closest relationships in human life, none is greater than that between father and son. Therefore, when a father holds dominion over the world and passes it on to his son, or when a son rules the empire but returns reverence to his father, this is the ultimate expression of human relationships. I have quelled violence and disorder to bring peace to the empire; all of this has been due to my father's teachings." Thus, he honored Taigong as "Taishang Huang" (the Grand Emperor above the Emperor). Later Han Xun Yue said: "The Classic of Filial Piety states: 'Therefore, even though one is an emperor, there must be someone to respect—this means the father.' A sovereign should treat the Three Elders as his father in order to set an example for the empire, thereby demonstrating filial piety. If one still observes the rites of the Three Elders even when his father is no longer alive, how much more so should this be done while he is living! Filial piety reaches its height in respecting one's father; therefore, a son's honor must never surpass that of his parents. Thus, the household official's words were excessive." Prince Minhuai of Jin asked Zhongshuzi Liu Bao: "When the household official advised Taigong, was that correct? Was it right or wrong?" Liu Bao replied: "Xun Yue criticized the granting of rewards to the household official as being inappropriate, but I believe Xun Yue did not understand Emperor Gaozu's intentions. Although Emperor Gaozu was exalted as an emperor, he never failed to observe the filial rites toward his father. At that time, he had already reigned for six years but had not yet bestowed an honorary title upon his father; thus the household official said, "Although you are my father, you remain a subject," meaning there was no appropriate title of respect to bestow and that he should be treated according to the rites for subjects. This was intended to move him emotionally. Upon hearing his household official's words, the emperor realized this and immediately conferred upon his father the title of Taishang Huang (Grand Emperor above the Emperor), thus fulfilling a son's proper way to honor his father. If he had not heard the household official's advice, his father would have remained without an honorary title forever. Therefore, what the household official said was correct." He also posthumously honored his mother with the title "Zhaoling Hou" (the Illustrious and Divine Empress).

4 天子追尊... :
魏文帝即王位,尚書令桓階等奏:「臣聞尊祖敬宗,古之大義。故六代之君,未嘗不追崇始祖,顯彰所出。先王應期撥亂,啟魏大業,然禰廟未有異號,非崇孝敬示無窮之義也。太尉公侯,宜有尊號,所以表功崇德發事顯名者也。故易言乾坤,皆曰大德,言大人與天地合。臣等以為,太尉公侯,誕育聖哲,以濟群品,可謂資始,其功德之號,莫過於太王。」
When Emperor Wen of Wei ascended the throne, Shangshu Ling Huan Jie and others submitted a memorial: "Ministers have heard that honoring ancestors and respecting the clan are great principles in ancient times. Therefore, rulers of the six dynasties never failed to posthumously honor their earliest ancestors and clearly proclaim their lineages. Our late sovereign, in accordance with the mandate of heaven, quelled chaos and initiated the great cause of Wei. Yet his ancestral temple still lacks a special title; this is not fulfilling the meaning of honoring filial piety to set an eternal example. The Taiwei Gong Hou should be granted a respectful title; this is how we recognize merit, honor virtue, and establish clear names for great deeds. Therefore, the Yijing speaks of Qian and Kun as "Great Virtues," meaning that a great person unites with heaven and earth. We, the ministers, believe that Taiwei Gong Hou gave birth to a sage and wise ruler who brought salvation to all beings; he may be considered the origin of virtue. No title could better reflect his merit and virtue than "Taiwang."

5 天子追尊... :
詔曰:「前奏以朝車迎中常侍大長秋特進君侯神主,然君侯不宜但依故爵乘朝車也。禮有尊親之義,為可依諸王比,更議。」
An edict was issued: "The previous memorial proposed that a ceremonial carriage be used to welcome the spirit tablet of Zhongchangshi Dalichao Tejin Jun Hou. However, Jun Hou should not merely ride in the official carriage according to his former title. The rites include principles of respect and filial devotion; it is appropriate to follow the example of the princes, and further deliberation should be conducted."

6 天子追尊... :
博士祭酒孫欽等議:「按春秋之義,五等諸侯卒葬皆稱公,乃與王者之後宋公同號,然臣子褒崇其君父。以此言之,中常侍大長秋特進君侯,誕育太皇,篤生武王,奄有四方,其功德之號,莫過太王。今迎神主,宜乘王車,又宜先遣使者上諡號為『太王』。」於是漢帝追諡為「太王」。及受禪,追尊太王為「太皇帝」,考武王為「武皇帝」,尊王太后為「皇太后」。
Doctor Jiu Sun Qin and others deliberated: "According to the principles of the Spring and Autumn Annals, dukes of the five ranks were all referred to as 'Gong' (duke) in their funerals; this was the same title used for Song Gong, a descendant of kings. However, subjects and sons honored their sovereigns and fathers with such titles. By this reasoning, Zhongchangshi Dalichao Tijing Jun Hou gave birth to the Ta Huang (Great Emperor) and bore Emperor Wu of Wei; he ruled over all directions. His merit and virtue deserve no title higher than "Taiwang." Now, when welcoming the spirit tablet, he should ride in a royal carriage; furthermore, envoys should be sent first to bestow the posthumous title of "Taiwang." Thus, the Han emperor posthumously bestowed upon him the title "Taiwang." When he accepted the abdication, he posthumously honored Taiwang as "Ta Huangdi" (the Great Emperor), his father Wuwang as "Wu Huangdi" (Emperor Wu), and honored Wang Taichou as "Huangtaichou" (Empress Dowager).

7 天子追尊... :
明帝太和三年六月,司空陳群等議以為:「周武追尊太王、王季、文王皆為王,是時周天子以王為號,追尊即同,故謂不以卑臨尊也。魏以皇帝為號,今追號皇高祖中常侍大長秋特進君為王,乃以卑臨尊也。故漢祖尊其父為上皇,自是後以諸侯為帝者,皆尊其父為皇也。大長秋特進君宜號商皇,載主宜以金根車,可遣大鴻臚持節,乘大使車,從騶騎,奉印綬,即鄴廟以太牢告祠。」從之。
In the third year of Tahe reign period under Emperor Ming, Sikong Chen Qun and others deliberated: "King Wu of Zhou posthumously conferred the title of king upon Taiwang, Wangji, and Wenwang. At that time, the Zhou Son of Heaven used 'Wang' as a title; thus, when they were posthumously honored with the same title, it was said that this did not allow an inferior to overshadow a superior. Wei used the title "Huangdi" (emperor); now, if we posthumously bestow upon our great ancestor Zhongchangshi Dalichao Taichun Jun Hou the title of 'Wang,' this would be allowing an inferior to overshadow a superior." Therefore, Emperor Gaozu of Han honored his father as "Taishang Huang" (the Grand Emperor). Since then, whenever a feudal lord became emperor, he always honored his father with the title of "Huangdi." Zhongchangshi Dalichao Jun Hou should be posthumously honored as "Shang Huang" (the Ancestor Emperor). The spirit tablet should be transported in a golden-rooted carriage. A Da Honglu holding the imperial scepter may ride in an envoy's ceremonial carriage, accompanied by mounted attendants, carrying the seals and sashes of office, to announce the title at his temple in Ye with a grand sacrifice using three oxen." The proposal was accepted.

8 天子追尊... :
又詔曰:「蓋聞尊嚴祖考,所以成湯文武,實造商周,克昌王業,而詩書之義,追尊稷契。自我魏室之承天序,既發跡於高皇,高皇之父處士君,精神幽遠,號稱罔記,非所以崇孝重本也。其令公卿以下會議號諡。」
Another edict stated: "I have heard that honoring and respecting ancestors is how Cheng Tang, Wenwang, and Wuwang established the Shang and Zhou dynasties, achieving prosperity for their royal cause. According to the meanings of the Book of Songs and the Book of Documents, even Jishen and Xie were posthumously honored. Since our Wei dynasty has inherited the mandate of heaven, its rise began with Taishang Huang. The father of Taishang Huang, Chushi Jun, was a reclusive scholar whose spiritual depth and distant origins are now forgotten; this is not how we honor filial piety or value our roots. Therefore, I order the gongqing (ministers of rank Gong and Qing) and those below to deliberate on a title and posthumous name."

9 天子追尊... :
侍中劉曄議:「周王所以后稷為祖者,以其唐之諸侯,佐堯有大功,名在祀典故也。至於漢氏之初,追諡之義,不過其父。上比周室,則大魏發跡自高皇而始;下論漢氏,則追諡之禮不及其祖。曄思以為追尊之義,宜齊高皇而已。」
Shizhong Liu Ye deliberated: "The reason the Zhou kings took Houji as their ancestor was because he, a feudal lord of Tang, assisted Yao with great achievements and thus his name was enshrined in the ritual records. As for the early Han dynasty, the meaning behind posthumous titles did not extend beyond honoring one's father. Comparing it to the Zhou dynasty above us, the great Wei dynasty began its rise from Taishang Huang. Compared with the Han below us, their rites of posthumous titles did not reach as far back as their ancestors. Yue believes that the meaning of posthumous honors should be limited to Taishang Huang alone."

10 天子追尊... :
侍中繆襲議以為:「元者一也,首也,氣之初也。是以周文演易,以冠四德,仲尼作春秋,以統三正。又諡法曰:『行義悅人曰元,尊仁貴德曰元。』處士君宜追加諡號曰『元皇』。」
Shizhong Miu Xi deliberated: "Yuan means one, the beginning, and the initial breath of vital energy. Therefore, Wenwang of Zhou expounded on the Yijing to place it above the Four Virtues; Confucius composed the Spring and Autumn Annals to unify the Three Correct Systems. Moreover, the rules of posthumous names state: "One who acts with righteousness and pleases others is called Yuan; one who honors benevolence and values virtue is also called Yuan." Chushi Jun should be posthumously bestowed the title "Yuan Huang" (the Primordial Emperor)."

11 天子追尊... :
太傅鍾繇議:「按禮小記曰:『親親以三為五,以五為九,上殺下殺旁殺而親畢矣。』乃唐堯之所以敦敘於九族也。其禮上殺於五,非不孝敬於祖也;下殺於五,非不慈愛於其孫也;旁殺於五,非不篤友於昆弟也。故為族屬,以禮殺之。處士君其數在六,於屬已盡,其廟當毀,其主當遷。今若追崇帝王之號,天下素不聞其受命之符,則是武皇帝櫛風沐雨、勤勞天下為非功也。推以人情,普天率土不襲此議,處士君明神不安此禮。今諸博士以禮斷之,其議可從。」詔從之。
Tai Fu Zhong Yao deliberated: "According to the Xiao Ji (Minor Records) of the Rites, it says: 'In honoring close relatives, three is extended to five, and five to nine; by reducing respect upward, downward, and sideways, all familial relationships are fully honored.' This was how Tang Yao consolidated harmony among the nine clans. The rites reduce respect for five generations upward, but this is not a lack of filial piety toward ancestors; they reduce it downward to five generations as well, yet this does not mean a lack of kindness and love for one's grandchildren; they reduce respect sideways to five generations too, but it is not an absence of sincerity or friendship among brothers. Therefore, for relatives within the clan, rites are applied with appropriate reductions in honor. Chushi Jun is six generations removed; his lineage has already reached its limit, so his ancestral temple should be dismantled and the spirit tablet relocated. If we now posthumously honor him with the title of emperor, yet the people have never heard of any mandate or signs from heaven for his rule, then it would mean that Emperor Wu's hardships and toil in serving the empire were not meritorious. From a human perspective, people throughout the land would universally reject this proposal; Chushi Jun's spirit and virtue would not be at peace with such rites. Now that the various doctors of ritual have decided according to rites, their deliberation may be followed." The edict accepted this.

12 天子追尊... :
晉武帝受禪後,泰始元年,追尊皇祖宣王曰「宣皇帝」,伯考景王曰「景皇帝」,皇考文王曰「文皇帝」,宣王妃張氏為「宣穆皇后」,尊太妃王氏為「皇太后」。
After Emperor Wu of Jin accepted the abdication, in the first year of Taishi, he posthumously honored his great-grandfather Xuanwang as "Xuan Huangdi" (Emperor Xuan), his grandfather Jingwang as "Jing Huangdi" (Emperor Jing), and his father Wenwang as "Wen Huangdi" (Emperor Wen). He also bestowed the title of "Hunmu Huanghou" (Empress Hunmu) upon Xuanwang's wife Zhang Shi, and honored Taifei Wang Shi as "Huangtaichou" (Empress Dowager).

13 天子追尊... :
宋武帝受禪,追尊皇考為「孝穆皇帝」,皇妣為「孝穆皇后」。策曰:「維永初元年七月,皇帝謹遣某官某,奉策上皇考尊號曰『孝穆皇帝』。仰惟聖靈,邈焉阻遠。昔有周丕崇,祚興昌季,其在魏晉,亦申情禮,所以聿追來孝,所因者本。謹稽式上代,考諸令準,稱謂既極,情典攸遂。所以仰順天人,俯穆率土,在心遠慕,庶云有慰。」追尊先后策曰:「維年月朔,皇帝謹遣某官某,奉策上皇妣尊號曰『孝穆皇后』。伏惟皇妣,資坤厚之性,體母儀之德,等美姜嫄,齊列任姒,訓穆中閨,化流自遠,膺曆運期,饗茲天位。謹依前典,敬奉大禮,仰慕聖善之愛,俯增蓼莪之思。」
After Emperor Wu of Song accepted the abdication, he honored his late father as "Xiaomu Huangdi" (Emperor Xiaomu) and his mother as "Xiaomu Huanghou" (Empress Xiaomu). The decree stated: "In the first year of Yongchu, on the seventh month, the emperor respectfully dispatched a certain official to present this decree and bestow the honored title upon his late father as 'Xiaomu Huangdi' (Emperor Xiaomu)." Looking back, your holy spirit is distant and beyond reach. In ancient times, the Zhou dynasty greatly honored its ancestors, and thus their mandate flourished. In Wei and Jin dynasties as well, feelings of filial devotion were expressed through rites; this is why we continue to trace back our filial piety—because it all originates from the root. We have carefully examined the precedents of past dynasties and verified them against established regulations; now that the titles are at their highest, both sentiment and ritual have been fulfilled. This is to honor heaven and people above us and bring peace below among the land; though our hearts yearn from afar, we hope this brings some comfort." The decree for posthumously honoring the empress dowager stated: "On the first day of a certain month in a given year, the emperor respectfully dispatched an official to present this decree and confer upon his late mother the honored title of 'Xiaomu Huanghou' (Empress Xiaomu)." We humbly reflect upon the late empress dowager, who possessed a nature as fertile and nurturing as the Earth (Kun), embodied the virtue of maternal example, matched Jiang Yuan and Ren Si in excellence, set moral standards within the inner court, and whose influence spread far and wide. She was destined by heaven to receive this imperial position. We have carefully followed the precedents of former rites and respectfully performed these great ceremonies, looking up to honor her holy virtue and kindness, while below we feel a deepened sorrowful longing for our mother's love."

14 天子追尊... :
齊高帝受禪,追尊皇考曰「宣皇帝」,皇妣曰「孝皇后」。
After Emperor Gao of Qi accepted the abdication, he honorarily bestowed upon his late father the title "Xuan Huangdi" (Emperor Xuan) and on his mother the title "Xiao Huanghou" (Empress Xiao).

15 天子追尊... :
梁武帝受禪,追尊考曰「文皇帝」,妣曰「獻皇后」。
After Emperor Wu of Liang accepted the abdication, he bestowed posthumous titles upon his late father as "Wen Huangdi" (Emperor Wen) and on his mother as "Xian Huanghou" (Empress Xian).

16 天子追尊... :
陳武帝受禪,追尊考曰「景皇帝」,妣董氏曰「安皇后」。
After Emperor Wu of Chen accepted the abdication, he conferred posthumous titles on his late father as "Jing Huangdi" (Emperor Jing) and on his mother Dong Shi as "An Huanghou" (Empress An).

17 天子追尊... :
後魏道武帝稱尊號後,追尊遠祖二十餘代,皆稱皇帝,則歷代未聞也。不復更載諡號焉。
After Emperor Daowu of Later Wei assumed the imperial title, he posthumously honored more than twenty generations of distant ancestors as "Huangdi" (emperor), a practice unheard of in previous dynasties. He no longer bestowed specific posthumous names upon them.

18 天子追尊... :
北齊文宣帝受東魏禪,追尊祖為「文穆皇帝」,妣為「文穆皇后」,考為「獻武皇帝」,兄為「文襄皇帝」,母為「皇太后」。
After Emperor Wenxuan of Northern Qi accepted the abdication from Eastern Wei, he posthumously honored his grandfather as "Wenmu Huangdi" (Emperor Wenmu), his grandmother as "Wenmu Huanghou" (Empress Wenmu), his father as "Xianwu Huangdi" (Emperor Xianwu), his elder brother as "Wenxiang Huangdi" (Emperor Wenxiang), and his mother as "Huangtaichou" (Empress Dowager).

19 天子追尊... :
後周閔帝受西魏禪,稱天王,追尊考曰「文王」。後其弟明帝立,稱帝號,追尊文王曰「文皇帝」。後其弟武帝立,追尊曰「德皇帝」。
After Emperor Min of Later Zhou accepted the abdication from Western Wei, he assumed the title "Tianwang" (Heavenly King) and posthumously honored his father as "Wenwang" (King Wen). Later, when his younger brother Emperor Ming ascended the throne and assumed the imperial title, he further posthumously honored King Wen as "Wen Huangdi" (Emperor Wen). Later, when his younger brother, Emperor Wu, ascended the throne, he posthumously honored him as "De Huangdi" (Emperor De).

20 天子追尊... :
隋文帝受禪,追尊考曰「武元皇帝」,妣曰「元明皇后」。
After Emperor Wen of Sui accepted the abdication, he granted posthumous titles to his late father as "Wuyuan Huangdi" (Emperor Wuyuan) and to his mother as "Yuming Huanghou" (Empress Yuming).

21 天子追尊... :
大唐武德元年五月,追諡高祖為「宣簡公」,曾祖為「懿王」,祖為「景皇帝」,父為「元皇帝。」天寶二年三月,追尊咎繇為「德明皇帝」,涼武昭王為「興聖皇帝」。仍各立廟,每歲四孟月享祭。至寶應中,禮儀使杜鴻漸請停四時獻享。
In the first year of Wude reign period under the Great Tang, in May, posthumous titles were bestowed: Gaozu as "Xuanjian Gong" (Lord Xuanjian), his great-grandfather as "Yi Wang" (Prince Yi), his grandfather as "Jing Huangdi" (Emperor Jing), and his late father as "Yuan Huangdi" (Emperor Yuan). In the second year of Tianbao, in March, posthumous titles were conferred: Gao Yao as "Deming Huangdi" (Emperor Deming) and Liang Wuzhuang Wang as "Xingsheng Huangdi" (Emperor Xingsheng). Temples were also established for each, with sacrifices offered four times a year on the first days of the first, fifth, seventh, and ninth months. By the middle of Baoying period, Liyi Shi Du Hongjian requested to discontinue the four seasonal offerings.

天子崇所生母 - Son of Heaven Honors His Birth Mother

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1 天子崇所... :
追崇同○東晉 宋
Chongtong Tong Dongjin Song

2 天子崇所... :
東晉孝武帝太元中,崇進所生母李氏為皇太妃。徐邈與范甯書,訪其事。甯答謂:「子不得爵命母。妃是太子婦號,必也正名,寧可以稱母也?」邈重與甯書曰:「禮,天子之妃曰后,關雎稱后妃之德,妃后之名,可謂大同,所以憲章皇極禮崇物備者,在於此也。故太后之號定於前朝,而當今所率由也。若必欲服章同於后,而名號異於妃,則可因夫人之稱,而加皇太以明尊。雖一理,然於文物之章,猶未盡崇高之極,此又今之所疑,不得可行也。足下嫌太子妻稱妃,然古無此稱,出於後代。今有皇太之別,是可論處邪?」甯又答曰:「按公羊傳『母以子貴』,當以此義為允。禮有君之母非夫人者,以此推之,王者之母亦何必皆后乎?所為尊母,非便極尊號也。並后匹嫡,譏存春秋。謂議稱皇太夫人,下皇后一等,位比三公,此君母之極號也。稱夫人,則先后之臣也。加皇太,則至尊之母也。皇,君之謂也。君太夫人,豈不允乎!」殷仲堪與徐邈書云:「后者,婦人之貴號,在妻則言后,在母則加太。禮,天子之妃稱后,關雎曰后妃之德,后妃二名,其義一也。設使正后處內,貴妾必不可稱妃。」邈又答徐乾書云:「母以子貴,穀梁亦有其義,故曰『賵人之母則可』。又會成風葬,著言禮也。但名雖夫人,而實殊同體,故敢配厭,群臣無服,所服以為異也。鄭云『近臣從服,唯君所服』,若嫡夫人歿,則有制重者,故曰唯君所服之耳。與君同重,自施近臣驂僕,而非三卿五大夫,內有宗廟之祭,外有王伯之命,何得以私服廢正。故庶母為夫人,上之不得以干宗廟,外之不得以接侯伯,唯國內申其私而崇其儀,亦如侯伯子男之臣,於內稱君曰公耳。雖人君肆情行服,而卿大夫不從,所以知上有天王也。邈往來答釋范武子,以其序云云私情典,是以太妃車旗服章,備如太后,唯不敢從於宗廟。禮又曰『百官不稱臣』,所以令無服之制也。范於時都謂不應同皇后服章,以尊令議難之,自塞矣。書傳了無天子庶母之文,且妾除女君、夫人,可為通稱,如五等爵皆稱公耳。天王之與皇后,未聞二其號者,所以關之情禮,而定太妃之稱,良有由矣。宜同至極,故上比稱皇。屈於郊廟,故遠避伉儷,不曰后而曰妃。因名求實,可謂志乎禮者。太后與妃,義無異者。假令國君在事,自當稱夫人。但王典無二名,不得以國公夫人為喻耳。」太元十九年,又詔追崇鄭太后。尚書令王珣奏:「下禮官詳正。按太常臣胤等議,以春秋之義,母以子貴,故仲子、成風咸稱夫人。經云『考仲子之宮』,明不配食也。且漢文、昭二太后,並繫子號。宜遠準春秋考宮之義,近摹二漢不配之典,尊號既正,宜改築新廟。顯崇尊稱,則罔極之情申;別建寢廟,則嚴禰之道著;繫子為稱,兼明貴之所由:一舉而三義以允,固哲王之高致。可如胤等議,追尊會稽太妃為『簡文皇太后』也。」
During the Taiyuan reign period of Emperor Xiaowu of Eastern Jin, Li Shi, the mother who bore Chongjin, was honored as Grand Imperial Concubine. Xu Miao wrote to Fan Ning to inquire about this matter. Ning replied, "A son may not bestow a title or command upon his mother." "A consort is the designation for the wife of a crown prince. If we must adhere strictly to proper titles, how can she be called 'mother'?" Miao wrote to Ning again, saying: "According to the rites, a consort of an emperor is called 'empress.' The Classic of Poetry refers to the virtue of empresses in Guanjū. Therefore, the titles of 'consort' and 'empress' may be considered largely equivalent. It is precisely for this reason that the constitution and rituals of the Son of Heaven are established with such reverence and completeness." Hence, the title of "Grand Empress Dowager" was established in previous dynasties, and it is what should be followed today. If one insists that the ceremonial dress and insignia must be identical to those of an empress, yet the title differs from that of a consort, then it would be appropriate to adopt the designation "lady," while adding "Grand Imperial" before it in order to signify respect. Although this may seem reasonable, with regard to the ceremonial system and insignia, it still does not fully reach the highest level of veneration. This is another point of doubt in the present situation, making such a course of action unfeasible. You object to the crown princess being called a "consort," yet this title did not exist in ancient times, but was introduced in later generations. "There is now a distinction of 'Grand Imperial,' so can we discuss and determine its appropriateness?" Ning replied again, "According to the Gongyang Zhuan, 'a mother is honored because of her son.' We should consider this meaning as acceptable." The rites recognize cases where a ruler's mother is not designated as "lady," and by the same reasoning, why must the mother of a sovereign necessarily be an empress? The purpose in honoring one's mother does not require bestowing upon her the highest title. To place a consort on equal footing with a legitimate wife is to invite censure, as recorded in the Spring and Autumn Annals. It was proposed that she be honored with the title of "Grand Imperial Lady," one rank below empress, and her status would be comparable to that of a Three Dukes. This would be the highest designation for a sovereign's mother. To call her "lady" would make her merely a subject of the empress and former empress. Adding "Grand Imperial" before it, however, signifies that she is the most venerated mother of the sovereign. "The term 'imperial' refers to the ruler." "To call her 'Grand Imperial Lady,' then, is it not acceptable?"! Yin Zhongkan wrote to Xu Miao, saying: "The title 'empress' is the most honored designation for women. When referring to a wife, one says 'empress,' and when referring to a mother, one adds 'Grand.'" According to the rites, an emperor's consort is called "empress." In Guanjū it says, "the virtue of empresses," so although there are two names—'empress' and 'consort'—their meanings are essentially one. "If a legitimate empress is within the palace, then no concubine of high rank can possibly be called a 'consort.'" Miao replied again in a letter to Xu Qian, saying: "A mother is honored because of her child; this meaning also exists in the Guliang Zhuan. Hence it says, 'It is acceptable to honor the mother of someone who has been granted an estate.'" Moreover, when Chengfeng was buried, this principle was clearly stated in accordance with ritual. Although the title is "lady," her actual status differs from that of others, so it was deemed acceptable to match and surpass them; thus, officials did not observe mourning rites for her, distinguishing what should be worn. Zheng said, "Close ministers follow the mourning rites according to what the ruler wears; it is only the ruler's choice that determines this." If a legitimate lady dies and there are those of higher rank who must be mourned, then one says simply that it depends on what the ruler chooses. When a person shares the same level of importance as the ruler, it is appropriate for close ministers and attendants to follow suit, but not necessarily the Three Ministers or Five High Officials. Internally, there are ancestral temple sacrifices; externally, there are royal commands from kings and feudal lords. How then can private mourning rites be allowed to override official duties? Therefore, when a concubine's mother is designated as "lady," internally she must not interfere with ancestral temple rites, and externally she must not engage in interactions with feudal lords. Within the state, however, her private status may be acknowledged and her ceremonies elevated—just as ministers of marquises, dukes, earls, viscounts, and barons address their lord within by calling him "gong." Even if a sovereign were to indulge his emotions and observe mourning rites, the ministers and high officials would not follow suit; this is how one knows that above them stands the Son of Heaven. Miao exchanged letters with Fan Wuzi, explaining that according to the established rites and private sentiments as outlined in his sequence of arguments, the Grand Imperial Concubine's carriages, banners, ceremonial dress, and insignia were all provided like those of a Grand Empress Dowager, except she did not dare participate in ancestral temple rituals. The rites also state that "officials do not address her as 'minister'," which is why there was no established mourning system for her. At that time, Fan maintained that she should not be granted the same ceremonial dress and insignia as an empress. By emphasizing respect in this way, he made it difficult to argue against his position, thus closing the matter himself. The classics and historical records contain no mention of a Son of Heaven's concubine mother. Moreover, the term "concubine" can be used generally to refer to women other than the empress or lady, much like how all five ranks of nobles are called "gong." There is no record of the Son of Heaven and empress ever having been given two different titles; thus, in considering both sentiment and ritual, it was indeed well-founded to establish the title "Grand Imperial Concubine." She should be honored at the highest level, hence the designation of "imperial" is used in her title. Because she could not participate in sacrifices at the altars for heaven and ancestors, she was distanced from the status of a spouse; thus, she is called "consort" rather than "empress." To seek truth through names can truly be said to reflect an understanding of ritual. The titles "Grand Empress Dowager" and "consort" carry no essential difference in meaning. If the sovereign were still alive, she would naturally be called "lady." "But since royal regulations do not recognize two titles for one person, we cannot use the title 'Lady of a Duke' as an analogy." In the nineteenth year of the Taiyuan era, another imperial edict was issued to posthumously honor Empress Dowager Zheng. Wang Xun, Minister of Rites, presented a memorial stating: "Let the officials in charge of rites carefully examine and confirm." According to the deliberation by Minister of Ceremonies Chen Yin et al., following the principles of the Spring and Autumn Annals, a mother is honored because of her children; therefore, Zhongzi and Chengfeng were both called "lady." The Classic says, "to build a palace for Zhongzi," which clearly indicates that she was not to be honored in ancestral sacrifices. Moreover, the two Empress Dowagers Wen and Zhao of Han both bore titles derived from their sons' names. We should look far back to the Spring and Autumn principle of building a palace, and closely follow the Han dynasty precedent where they were not honored in ancestral rites. Once her title is properly established, it would be appropriate to construct a new temple for her. To publicly honor and elevate the title demonstrates boundless filial devotion; to establish a separate temple for her rest shows clearly the principle of reverence in ancestral rites; to name her after her son also clarifies the source of her honor: one action achieves three meanings, which is indeed a noble aspiration for a wise ruler. It would be appropriate to follow the proposal of Chen Yin et al. and posthumously bestow upon Empress Dowager Huiji the title "Empress Dowager Jianwen."

3 天子崇所... :
宋文帝元嘉元年,司空、錄尚書事臣羡之等言:「伏惟先婕妤,柔明塞淵,光備六列,德昭坤範,訓洽母儀,用能啟祚聖明,奄宅四海。而天祚永違,嚴親莫逮。臣等參詳,遠準春秋,近稽漢晉,謹追上尊號為皇太后,禮官撰諡,用崇寢廟。」
In the first year of the Yuanjia era of Emperor Wen of Song, Sikong and Minister of Rites Xian Zhi et al. stated: "We humbly consider that our late concubine was gentle and wise, profound in virtue, honored among the Six Ranks, her moral example illuminated the model for women, and she set a standard for maternal conduct. Thus, she was able to establish an era of sage rule and bring peace to all under heaven. Yet Heaven's mandate departed forever, and we could not repay our filial duty to her. We, the ministers, have carefully examined ancient precedents from the Spring and Autumn period as well as recent examples from Han and Jin dynasties. We respectfully propose to posthumously bestow on her the title of Empress Dowager. The officials in charge of rites will compose a posthumous name for her so that we may honor her with a temple."

諸侯崇所生母議 - Discussion on the Veneration of Birth Mothers by Feudal Lords

English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] Library Resources
1 諸侯崇所... :
後漢許慎五經異義云:「妾母之子為君,子得尊其母為夫人。按春秋公羊說,妾子立為君,母得稱夫人。故上堂稱妾,屈於嫡;下堂稱夫人,尊行國家。則士庶起為人君,母亦不得稱夫人。父母者,子之天也,子不得爵命父母。至於妾子為君爵其母者,以妾本接事尊者,有所因也。穀梁說,魯僖公立妾母成風為夫人,入宗廟,是子而爵母也,以妾為妻,非禮也。故春秋左氏說,成風得立為夫人,母以子貴。謹按尚書,舜為天子,瞽叟為士,明起於匹庶者,子不得爵父母也。至於魯僖公本妾子,尊母成風為小君,經無譏文,公羊、左氏義是也。」
The Later Han Xu Shen Wu Jing Yi Yi says: "A concubine's son becomes a ruler; the son may honor his mother as Lady." According to the Spring and Autumn Gongyang Commentary, if a concubine's son is established as ruler, his mother may be called Lady. Therefore, when ascending the hall she is addressed as qie [concubine], subordinated to the legitimate wife; when descending the hall she is called Lady, honored in accordance with state protocol. Thus, if a commoner or scholar rises to become ruler, his mother also cannot be addressed as Lady. Parents are the sky of their children; children may not bestow titles upon their parents. As for a concubine's son becoming ruler and conferring a title on his mother, it is because the concubine originally served those of higher status, so there is a basis for this. The Guliang Commentary says: When the State of Lu enshrined Cheng Feng, the concubine mother of Duke Xi, as Lady and included her in ancestral temple rites, this was a son bestowing a title on his mother. Regarding a concubine as a wife is not in accordance with ritual propriety. Therefore, the Spring and Autumn Zuo Commentary says: Cheng Feng was able to be established as Lady because a mother gains status through her son. Carefully according to the Shangshu, when Shun became Son of Heaven, his father Gusu was merely a common official. This clearly shows that one who rises from among ordinary people may not bestow titles on their parents. As for Duke Xi of Lu, who was originally the son of a concubine, honoring his mother Cheng Feng as Xiao Jun [a title for a ruler's consort], the Classic contains no censure; this is in accordance with the meaning of Gongyang and Zuo.

2 諸侯崇所... :
鄭玄駮曰:「禮喪服父為長子三年,以將傳重故也;眾子則為之周,明無二嫡也。女君卒,貴妾繼室,攝其事耳,不得復立夫人。魯僖公妾母為夫人者,乃緣莊夫人哀姜有殺子般、閔公之罪,應貶故也。哀姜薨於齊,貶之,經在僖元年冬十二月丁巳,夫人氏之喪至自齊,去姜是也。桓夫人文姜殺夫,貶之,經在莊元年春三月,夫人遜於齊。其與姜氏輕重差也。近漢呂后殺戚夫人及庶子趙王,不仁,廢不得配食,文帝更尊其母薄后,非其比耶?妾子立者得尊其母,禮未之有也。」
Zhang Huan refuted, saying: "According to ritual, in mourning attire a father observes three years of mourning for his eldest son, because the son is about to inherit the family's responsibilities; for other sons he mourns for one year, clearly indicating there can be no two legitimate heirs. When the Lady dies, a noble concubine may become the new wife and assume her duties, but she cannot again be established as Lady. The reason why the concubine mother of Duke Ji of Lu was made Lady was because Lady Zhuang, Aijiang, had committed the crime of killing her son Ziguan and Duke Min; she should have been demoted. Aijiang died in Qi, and was demoted; the Classic records this on the Dingwei day of the twelfth month of the first year of 僖 (Xī), when the funeral of Lady Shi returned from Qi—this is why her surname "Jiang" was removed. Lady Wenjiang of Huan killed her husband and was demoted; this is recorded in the Classic on the third month, spring of the first year of Zhuang. Lady [Wenjiang] withdrew to Qi. The severity of their offenses differs between her and Jiang Shi. In recent Han times, Empress Lu killed Concubine Qi and her commoner son Zhao Wang; she was unkind. She was deposed and could not be honored with sacrifices. Emperor Wen later honored his mother, Dowager Empress Bo—was this not a different case? Honoring one's mother when the son of a concubine becomes ruler is unprecedented in ritual.

3 諸侯崇所... :
袁準正論云:「時俗之論曰:『庶子為公,可以尊其母為夫人,春秋之義,母以子貴。』按隱公二年,夫人子氏薨。五年,考仲子之宮。上稱夫人,下不應復言仲子,明其與妾為妻也。秦人來歸成風之襚,不稱夫人,明其私尊,不通於鄰國也。左氏傳曰:『並后匹嫡,亂之本也。』袁準曰:「並后,如夫人者六是也。匹嫡,元妃卒,立妾為夫人是也。」公羊亦云『母以子貴』。說曰:穀梁云秦人來歸成風之襚,秦不云夫人也。就外不云夫人而見正焉。夫身為國君而母為妾庶,子孫所不忍,臣下所不安,故私稱於國中,不加境外,此人子之情,國人之私,而亡於禮法之正也。假有庶子數人,並為三公,欲各尊其母,將何以止之?非聖人者無法,此大亂之道也。」
Yuan Zhun Zheng Lun says: "Contemporary popular opinion holds that 'a commoner's son who becomes a marquis may honor his mother as Lady; this is the meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals, where a mother gains status through her distinguished son.'" According to the second year of Yin Gong, Lady Zi Shi died. In the fifth year, the palace of Kao Zhongzi was examined. Above she is called Lady, and below it should not again refer to her as Zhongzi; this clearly indicates that she was regarded as a wife rather than a concubine. When the people of Qin returned Cheng Feng's funeral gifts, they did not refer to her as Lady; this shows that her title was a private honor and was not recognized by neighboring states. The Zuo Zhuan says: "Having two consorts as equals or rivaling the legitimate wife is the root of disorder." Yuan Zhun said: "Having two empresses, such as having six 'ladies' [i.e., consorts], is what this refers to. 'Matching the legitimate wife' means when the principal consort dies, a concubine is elevated to Lady." The Gongyang Commentary also says "a mother gains status through her distinguished son." It is explained: The Guliang Commentary states that when the people of Qin returned the funeral gifts for Cheng Feng, they did not refer to her from Qin as Lady. Even though she was not called Lady by outsiders, she is still regarded as legitimate. When a man is the ruler of a state but his mother remains a concubine or commoner, it is something that descendants find unbearable and ministers feel uneasy about. Therefore, they may privately honor her within the country, but not beyond its borders; this is an expression of filial sentiment and private feeling among the people, yet it falls outside the proper norms of ritual law. Suppose there are several commoner sons who all become Three Dukes; if each wishes to honor their mother, how could this be prevented? Those who are not sage kings have no law—this is the path to great disorder."

支庶立為天子追尊本親議 - Discussion on Posthumous Honors to Biological Parents When a Collateral Branch Ascends the Throne

English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] Library Resources
1 支庶立為... :
漢 後漢 魏 齊
Han/Houhan/Wei/Qi

2 支庶立為... :
漢宣帝追尊祖衛太子、史皇孫,詔曰:「故皇太子在湖,未有號諡。」有司請曰:「禮『為人後者,為之子也』。故降其父母不得祭,尊祖之義也。陛下為孝昭帝後,承祖宗之祀,制禮不踰閑,謹行視孝昭帝所為。史皇孫諡宜曰『悼』,母曰『悼后』,比諸侯王園,置奉邑三百家,曰『悼園』。故皇太子諡曰『戾』,置奉邑二百家,曰『戾園』;史良娣曰『戾夫人』,置守拨三十家,園曰『戾后園』。置長丞,周衛奉守如法。」有司復言:「禮『父為士,子為天子,祭以天子』。悼園宜稱尊號曰『皇考』,立廟,因園為寢,以時薦享。益奉園人滿千六百家。尊戾夫人曰『戾后』,置園奉邑,及益戾園各滿三百家。」
Emperor Xuan of Han posthumously honored his grandfather, the Wei Taizi, and Shi Huangsun, issuing an edict that said: "The former Crown Prince was in Hu, without a title or posthumous name yet." The officials requested, saying, "According to the rites, 'One who succeeds as heir is considered a son of the one he succeeds.'" "Therefore, his biological parents should not conduct sacrifices; this is the principle of honoring one's ancestor." "Your Majesty succeeded Emperor Xiaozhuang, continuing the ancestral sacrifices. In establishing rites, you did not overstep propriety and carefully followed what Emperor Xiaozhuang had done." "The posthumous title for Shi Huangsun should be 'Diao,' and his mother, 'Diao Hou.' The tomb should be comparable to those of marquises and kings, with three hundred households assigned as a fief to serve it, called the 'Diao Yuan.'" "The former Crown Prince should be posthumously titled 'Li,' with two hundred households assigned as a fief, called the 'Li Yuan';" "Shi Liangdi should be titled 'Fu Ren of Li,' with thirty households assigned to guard and maintain the tomb, called the 'Hou Yuan of Li.'" "Appoint a zhang and a cheng, and provide guards and attendants as stipulated by law." The officials further stated: "According to the rites, 'If a father was an ordinary man and his son becomes emperor, he should be honored with imperial sacrifices.'" "The Diao Yuan should be given the respectful title 'Huangkao,' a temple should be built, using the tomb as its chamber of repose, and sacrifices should be offered at appropriate times." The number of people assigned to serve the tomb was increased to 1,600 households. "Bestow the title 'Diao Hou' upon Fu Ren of Li, assign a fief for her tomb, and increase the number of households serving both the Diao Yuan to 300 each."

3 支庶立為... :
哀帝初入為太子,祖母傅太后、母丁后皆在國,自以定陶恭王為稱。按元帝傅昭儀有寵,產一男,為定陶恭王。帝崩,昭儀隨王歸國,稱定陶太后。恭王薨,子代為王。王母曰丁姬。成帝無繼嗣,立定陶王為太子。詔移楚孝王為定陶王,奉恭王後。詔傅太后與丁后自居定陶國。成帝崩,太子立,是為哀帝。及即位,高昌侯董宏上言,宜立定陶恭王后為皇太后。事下有司。宏曰:「秦莊襄王,母本夏氏,而為華陽夫人所子。及即位,俱稱太后。今宜立定陶恭王后為皇太后。」左將軍師丹劾奏宏:「知皇太后至尊之號,天下一統,而稱引亡秦以為比喻,詿誤聖朝,不道。」帝新立,謙讓,納丹言,免宏為庶人。時傅太后大怒,要欲必稱尊號。詿音掛。
At the beginning of Emperor Ai's ascension as Crown Prince, his paternal grandmother, Empress Dowager Fu Taihou, and his mother, Empress Ding, were both in their native states, so he referred to himself by the title of Duke Gong of Dingtao. It is recorded that Fu Zhaoyi, a concubine favored by Emperor Yuan, bore one son, who became the Duke Gong of Dingtao. After the emperor's death, Zhaoyi returned with her son to his native state and was known as Taihou of Dingtao. Duke Gong died, and his son succeeded him as king. The mother of the king was called Ding Ji. Emperor Cheng had no heir, so the King of Dingtao was appointed as Crown Prince. An edict was issued transferring the King of Chuxiaowang to be the King of Dingtao, to succeed the line of Duke Gong. The emperor issued an edict ordering Empress Dowager Fu and Empress Ding to reside in the State of Dingtao themselves. Emperor Cheng died, and the Crown Prince ascended the throne, becoming Emperor Ai. After ascending the throne, Gaochang Hou Dong Hong made a proposal stating that it was appropriate to establish the daughter of Duke Gong as Empress Dowager. The matter was referred to the relevant officials for deliberation. Hong said: "King Zhuangxiang of Qin had a mother originally from the Xia family, but was raised by Huayang Funu. "When he ascended the throne, both were honored as Empress Dowagers." "Now it is appropriate to establish the daughter of the Duke Gong as Empress Dowager." General Zuojun Shi Dan impeached Hong, saying: "He knows that the title of Empress Dowager is supreme and symbolizes the unity of the empire, yet he cited the fallen Qin dynasty as a comparison. This misleads the holy court and constitutes an act of impiety." The emperor had just ascended the throne and was modest, so he accepted Dan's advice and dismissed Hong as a commoner. At that time, Empress Dowager Fu was very angry and insisted on obtaining the title of supreme honor. Gai Yin Guai.

4 支庶立為... :
後帝白,令王太皇太后下詔尊定陶恭王為「恭皇」。哀帝初,成帝母稱太皇太后,成帝趙皇后稱皇太后。又曰春秋「母以子貴」,遂尊傅太后為「恭皇太后」,丁姬為「恭皇后」。郎中令泠褒復奏言:「定陶恭皇太后、恭皇后,皆不宜復引定陶藩國之名,以冠大號。車馬衣服,宜皆稱皇,置吏二千石以下,各供厥職。又宜為恭皇立廟京師。」帝復下議有司,皆以為宜如褒言。
Later, the emperor informed his grandmother, the Taihuangtaihou, who then issued an edict to bestow the title "Gong Huang" on Duke Gong of Dingtao. (Note: The term "王太皇太后" here refers to a female ancestor in the royal family; it is translated as "Taihuangtaihou," which literally means "Grand Grand Empress Dowager.") At the beginning of Emperor Ai's reign, Empress Dowager Chengdi's mother was titled Taihuangtaihou, and Empress Zhao of Emperor Cheng was honored as Huangtaihou. It was also said in the Spring and Autumn Annals that "a mother is honored because of her son," so Empress Dowager Fu was honored as "Gong Huangtaihou" and Ding Ji as "Gong Huanghou." Langzhongling Ling Bao again submitted a memorial stating: "The titles 'Gong Huangtaihou' and 'Gong Huanghou' of Dingtao should not include the name of their native vassal state, as it is inappropriate to associate with such grand titles." "Their carriages and horses, clothing, and attire should all be of imperial rank. Officials down to the level of Erqianshi should be appointed, each fulfilling their respective duties." "A temple for Gong Huang should also be established in the capital city." The emperor again referred the matter to the officials for discussion, and they all agreed that Bao's proposal was appropriate.

5 支庶立為... :
大司空師丹又曰:「聖王制禮,取法於天地,故尊卑之禮,所以正天地之位,不可亂也。今定陶恭皇太后、恭皇后以『定陶恭』為號者,母從子、妻從夫之義也。欲立官置吏,車服與太皇太后並,非所以明尊卑無二上之義也。定陶恭皇號諡前已定,義不得復改。禮:『父為士,子為天子,祭以天子,其尸服以士服。』子無爵父之義,尊父母也。為人後者為之子,故為所後服斬衰三年,降其父母周,明尊本祖而重正統也。孝成皇帝聖恩深遠,故為恭王立後,承祭祀,今恭皇長為一國太祖,萬代不毀,恩義已備。陛下既繼體先帝,持重大宗,承宗廟天地社稷之祀,義不得復承定陶恭皇祭入其廟。今欲立廟於京師,而使臣下祭之,是無主也。又親盡當毀,空去一國太祖不隳之祀,而就無主當毀不正之禮,非所以尊厚恭皇也。」由是上怒,策免丹。
The Daskong Shi Dan further said: "Holy kings established rites by taking examples from heaven and earth. Therefore, the rites of hierarchy are used to establish the proper order between heaven and earth; they must not be confused." "Now, the titles 'Gong Huangtaihhou' and 'Gong Hou' of Dingtao with the designation 'Dingtao Gong' are based on the principle that a mother follows her son's status and a wife follows her husband's." "To establish offices, appoint officials, and have carriages and attire equal to those of Taihuangtaihou is not in accordance with the principle of distinguishing hierarchy and maintaining a single supreme authority." "The title and posthumous name 'Gong Huang' for Dingtao have already been established; by principle, they cannot be changed again." The rites state: "If a father was an ordinary gentleman and his son becomes emperor, the father should be honored with imperial sacrifices, but the effigy representing him in the sacrifice should wear the attire of a common gentleman." "It is not appropriate for a son to bestow rank upon his father; this principle reflects respect for one's parents." "One who succeeds as an heir is considered the son of the one he inherits from. Therefore, for the ancestor he succeeded, he should observe a mourning period of three years in zhan cai; his biological parents receive only a lesser mourning of one year. This clarifies the principle of respecting the original ancestors and emphasizing the legitimacy of the main line." "Emperor Xiaocheng's holy and far-reaching grace is the reason a successor was established for Duke Gong to continue sacrifices. Now, Gong Huang has become the founding ancestor of one state, whose veneration will last through countless generations without being abandoned; his honor and virtue are already complete." "Your Majesty, having succeeded the late emperor and upholding the major lineage, you now inherit the ancestral temple sacrifices to heaven, earth, and state. By principle, you cannot also assume the sacrifice for Duke Gong of Dingtao within your own temple." "Now, if a temple is to be established in the capital and officials are ordered to conduct sacrifices there, it would mean that no one holds supreme authority." "Moreover, when the line of descendants ends, the temple should be destroyed. To abandon a veneration for an ancestral founder that is not to be destroyed and instead adopt a ritual without authority that should be abolished is not how one shows respect and honor to Gong Huang." Because of this, the emperor became angry and issued an edict dismissing Dan.

6 支庶立為... :
後歲餘,下詔曰:「漢家之制,推親親以著尊尊。定陶恭皇之號,不宜復稱『定陶』。其尊恭皇太后為『帝太太后』,丁后為『帝太后』。」後更號帝太太后為「皇太太后」。皇太太后崩,合葬,稱孝元傅皇后陵,其後為王莽毀發貶號。
After more than a year, an imperial decree was issued stating: "The system of the Han dynasty promotes closeness among relatives to highlight respect for hierarchy. "The title 'Gong Huang' of Dingtao should no longer include the designation 'Dingtao.'" "Bestow upon Empress Dowager Gong Huang the title 'Di Tai Taihou,' and upon Empress Ding the title 'Di Taihou.'" Later, the title "Di Tai Taihou" was changed to "Huang Tai Taihou." After Empress Dowager Huang Tai Taihou died, she was buried together with her husband and the tomb was called Mausoleum of Fu Huanghou Xuyuan. Later, it was destroyed and defaced by Wang Mang who also downgraded its title.

7 支庶立為... :
後漢安帝建光元年,有司上言:「皇考清河孝王,至德純懿,含弘光大,既受帝祉,載生明聖。舊章法制,宜有尊號,不宜稱王,宜曰『孝德皇』,妣曰『孝德后』,祖妣宋貴人曰『敬隱后』。」詔曰:「其告祠高廟,使司徒震持節,大鴻臚、特進、樂平侯常副,奉策璽綬,到清河上尊號。」桓帝即尊位,追尊祖河間孝王曰「孝穆皇」,妣趙氏曰「孝穆后」,考蠡吾侯曰「孝崇皇」,尊母曰「孝崇博園貴人」。靈帝即尊位,追尊祖為「孝元皇」,妣夏氏為「孝元后」,考為「孝仁皇」,母董氏為「慎園貴人」。
In the first year of the Jianguang era under Emperor Antai of the Later Han, officials submitted a proposal: "Our late father, King Qinghe Xiaowang, possessed supreme virtue and pure excellence. His magnanimity brought great glory; he received imperial blessings and gave birth to a wise and holy ruler. "According to the old regulations and legal systems, he should be given a respectful title. He should not be called 'King,' but rather 'Xiaode Huang,' his mother as 'Xiaode Hou,' and his grandmother, Lady Song Guiren, as 'Jingyin Hou.'" The edict stated: "Announce the title at the High Temple. Order Sikou Zhen to hold the imperial scepter, assisted by Dahanlu, Tejin, and Yueping Hou Chang, who shall carry the decree, seal, and sash of honor to Qinghe to bestow the respectful titles." When Emperor Huan ascended the throne, he posthumously honored his grandfather Hejian Xiaowang as "Xiaomu Huang," his grandmother Lady Zhao as "Xiaomu Hou," and his father Liwu Hou as "Xiaochong Huang." His mother was honored as "Guiren of Xiaochong Boyuan." When Emperor Ling ascended the throne, he postumously honored his grandfather as "Xiaoyuan Huang," his grandmother Lady Xia as "Xiaoyuan Hou," and his father as "Xiaoren Huang." His mother, Lady Dong, was honored as "Guiren of Shen Yuan."

8 支庶立為... :
魏文帝制,以後如以旁枝入嗣大位,不得加父母尊號。詔曰:「依漢祖之尊太上皇是也。且禮『不以父命辭王父命』。漢氏諸侯之入,皆受天子之命胤於宗也;而猶顧其私親,僭擬天號,豈所謂為人後之義哉!後代若有諸侯入嗣者,皆不得追加其私考為皇、妣為后也。致有佞媚妖惑之人欲悅時主,謬建非義之事以亂正統者,此股肱大臣所當禽誅也。其著乎甲令,書之金策,藏諸宗廟,副乎三府,尚書中書亦當各藏一通。」
Emperor Wen of Wei established a regulation: if an emperor ascended the throne through a collateral branch, he could not bestow respectful titles upon his biological parents. The edict stated: "This follows the precedent of Emperor Gaozu of Han honoring his father as Taishang Huang." Moreover, according to the rites, one should not refuse an order from a grandfather on the grounds that it contradicts the wishes of one's father. "All the marquises and lords who entered Han service were granted their positions by imperial decree, signifying that they were integrated into the royal lineage. "Yet if one still honors his private relatives and improperly assumes imperial titles, is this what is meant by the principle of succeeding as a son in another lineage?"! "In future generations, if any marquises or lords succeed to the throne from a collateral line, they shall not be allowed to posthumously bestow the title of 'Huang' upon their biological fathers or 'Hou' upon their mothers." "Those who are sycophants and deceivers, seeking to please the current ruler by falsely proposing improper actions that disrupt the legitimate line of succession—these are precisely the types of people that loyal ministers should capture and punish." "This decree must be recorded in the official code, inscribed on bronze tablets, stored in the ancestral temples, and duplicated for the Three Offices. The Shangshu and Zhongshu offices should also each keep a copy."

9 支庶立為... :
齊明帝即尊位,追尊考始安貞王為「景皇」,妣妃為「懿后。」
When Emperor Ming of Qi ascended the throne, he postumedly honored his father Shian Zhenwang as "Jing Huang" and his mother Lady Fei as "Yi Hou."

追錫命議 - Discussion on Posthumous Bestowal of Mandates

English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] Library Resources
1 追錫命議:
後漢許慎五經異議云:「春秋公羊、穀梁說,王使榮叔錫魯桓公命,追錫死者,非禮也。死者功可追而錫,如有罪,又可追而刑耶?春秋左氏譏其錫篡弒之君,無譏錫死者之文也。」
The Later Han Xu Shen's Wu Jing Yi Yi states: "According to the Spring and Autumn Gongyang and Guliang commentaries, when King sent Rong Shu to bestow a mandate upon Duke Huan of Lu posthumously, this was considered contrary to ritual propriety." If the merits of the deceased can be recognized and rewarded retroactively, then if someone has committed a crime, could punishment also be applied retroactively? "The Commentary of Zuo on the Spring and Autumn Annals criticizes those who bestow rewards upon usurpers and murderers, but there is no text criticizing the practice of rewarding the deceased.""

王侯在喪襲爵議 - Discussions on Princes and Lords Inheriting Titles During Mourning Periods

English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] Library Resources
1 王侯在喪... :
奪情附○魏 大唐
Duoqing Fu ○ Wei Da Tang

2 王侯在喪... :
魏尚書奏,以故漢獻帝嫡孫杜氏鄉侯劉康襲爵,假授使者拜授,康素服。秦靜議:「按周禮,天子公卿諸侯,吉服皆玄冕朱裏,玄衣纁裳;有喪凶則變之麻冕黼裳,邦君麻冕蟻裳。云麻冕者,則素冕麻不加采色,又變其裳。亦非純吉,亦不純凶。漢氏承秦,改六冕之制,以玄冠絳衣一服而已。有喪凶之事,則變吉服以從簡易。故諸王薨,遣使者拜嗣子為王,則玄冠縗絰,服素以承詔命,事訖,然後反喪服。考之前典,則差周書;論之漢室,則合常制。」
The Wei Minister of Rites submitted a memorial, recommending that Liu Kang, the direct grandson of former Han Emperor Xian and hereditary marquis of Du Shi Xiang Hou, be allowed to inherit his title. An envoy was appointed to confer the title upon him in an interim capacity; however, Kang remained in plain mourning attire. Qin Jingyi said: "According to the Rites of Zhou, for the Son of Heaven, high-ranking officials, and feudal lords, their ceremonial attire on auspicious occasions should all be black caps with red linings, black robes over yellow skirts; in cases of mourning or funerals, they would change to hemp caps and fu-style skirts, while local lords wore hemp caps with yi-style skirts. The term "hemp cap" means a plain cap made of hemp without any colored decoration, and the skirt is also changed accordingly. It is neither purely for auspicious occasions nor entirely for funerals. The Han dynasty, succeeding the Qin, altered the system of six caps and replaced it with a single type of ceremonial attire: black hats and crimson robes. In cases of mourning or funerals, the auspicious attire would be changed to follow simpler forms. Therefore, when a prince passed away, an envoy was sent to bestow the title of king upon his heir. At that time, the heir would wear black caps and plain mourning attire to receive the imperial decree; only after the ceremony concluded would he resume wearing full mourning clothes. According to previous records, this differs from the Book of Zhou. When discussed in terms of the Han dynasty, it conforms to standard regulations."

3 王侯在喪... :
王肅議:「尊者臨卑,不制縗麻,故為之素服。今康處三年喪,在縗絰之中,若因喪以命之,則無復素服。若以尊崇王命,則吉服以拜受。按尚書,康王受策命,吉服而受之。事畢,又以吉服出應門內,以命諸侯。皆出,然後王釋冕服。故臣以為諸侯受天子之命,宜以吉服。又禮,處三年之喪,而當除父兄之喪服,除服卒事,然後反喪服。則受天子命者,亦宜服其命服,使者出,反喪服,即位而哭,既合於禮,又合人情。」詔從之。
Wang Su argued: "When a superior visits an inferior, he does not wear mourning hemp and coarse cloth; therefore, plain attire is worn." Now, Kang is in the third year of mourning and still wearing hemp and cords. If an appointment were made during this period, there would be no need for plain attire anymore. If we consider the respect due to a royal decree, then he should wear ceremonial attire when receiving and accepting it. According to the Book of Rites, when Prince Kang received his imperial mandate, he accepted it wearing auspicious attire. After the ceremony was completed, he again wore ceremonial attire and went out to the inner court gate to confer titles upon feudal lords. Only after all these matters were concluded did the king remove his cap and ceremonial robes. Therefore, I believe that feudal lords receiving a mandate from the Son of Heaven should do so in auspicious attire. Moreover, according to rites, when one is observing a three-year mourning period and must remove the mourning attire for the father or elder brother in order to attend official duties, after completing those duties, he should return to wearing his mourning clothes. Therefore, one receiving a mandate from the Son of Heaven also should wear the ceremonial attire for that occasion. After the envoy departs, he resumes his mourning clothes, returns to his position and weeps—this is in accordance with both rites and human sentiment." The imperial edict followed this recommendation.

4 王侯在喪... :
按成王崩,康王即位,上宗奉同瑁,王再拜三祭。按鄭玄曰:「即位必醴之者,以神之嚌成之也。以醴嚌成之者,醴濁,飲至齒不入口曰嚌,既居重喪,但行其禮,而不取其味。」又禮始冠加爵,亦皆醴之,所以加崇以成其尊也。又漢舊儀「諸王嫡子嗣位,受拜畢,立於門外,使者既出,拜送還,升,嚌醴訖,又再拜」。正與康王即位事同。古今相參,事無違者。
When King Cheng died and King Kang ascended the throne, the Grand Minister of Rites presented the jade 瑁, and the king bowed twice and made three sacrificial offerings. According to Zheng Xuan: "The reason why a 醴 is presented when ascending the throne is because it symbolizes the completion of the deity's blessing. the act of receiving a 醴 to complete the rite means that the 醴 is cloudy, and drinking it without letting it touch the teeth is called 'chui'; since one is in deep mourning, only the formality is carried out, but not the actual tasting." Moreover, according to rites, during the initial capping and bestowal of rank ceremonies, a 醴 is also presented; this serves to elevate and honor their status. Furthermore, according to the old Han dynasty rituals: "When the legitimate son of a prince succeeds his position, after receiving the investiture, he stands outside the gate. Once the envoy has departed, he bows in farewell and returns inside, ascends, receives the 醴 without tasting it, and then bows twice again." This is exactly the same as what happened when King Kang assumed the throne. Comparing ancient and modern practices, there are no contradictions in these matters.

5 王侯在喪... :
王肅又議:「凡奉神祭祀則有受祚之爵,嘉慶事則有醮醴之儀。若君薨而太子即位,孤之位,無醮醴之儀。成王病困,乃召群臣,訓以敬保元子。明日,成王崩。既大斂,群臣以策書宣成王命,以命康王。是為受顧命之戒,非即位之事。王從三宿三祭,上宗曰饗,而不嚌醴也。此王者隨時之禮,非常行之典,不可以為拜諸侯嫡子之儀。襲爵之日,乃孝子孝孫所以增哀戚之懷,非禮之所施,直謂之王命所加,而使者又既出,謂之受神之醴,復非饋奠之時。按拜陳思王子志為濟北王,又與今異,猶須王嚌醴畢,然後使者出。今據鄭玄說,即位醴之以成其禮,猶愈於使者既出不設饋奠而獨嚌醴,臣猶以為非禮之衷。今京師廷拜諸侯嗣子,無事有嚌醴。『天子賜諸侯大夫冕弁服於太廟。歸設奠,服賜服,於斯乎有冠醮,而無冠醴』。此謂諸侯大夫以平吉受賜服於天子太廟,歸設祭於其廟,服賜服,而受冠醴之禮也。可依此,使者既出,公猶服命服,設奠而告。又禮小祥之祭,然後嚌之。此自告其廟,非王命之所加。如禮不嚌,既告反服,既位而哭,既合於禮,又合人情。」詔從之。
Wang Su further argued: "Whenever one offers sacrifices to the deities, there is a ritual cup for receiving blessings; in cases of joyous and auspicious events, there are also rites involving the offering of 醴. If a ruler passes away and the crown prince ascends the throne, as he is still in mourning for his father, there should be no rite involving 醴. King Cheng was seriously ill and summoned the ministers to instruct them on how to respectfully protect his eldest son. The next day, King Cheng passed away. After the great funeral rites were completed, the ministers presented the written decree of King Cheng to announce his command and bestow it upon King Kang. This was a rite of receiving the final instructions from the late ruler, not an act of ascending the throne itself. King Kang observed three nights and performed three sacrificial rites; the Grand Minister of Rites announced that it was a "feast" (xiang), but no 醴 was consumed. These were rites performed by the king according to circumstances, not standard or regularly practiced rituals; therefore, they cannot be used as a model for the ceremonies of bestowing titles upon the legitimate sons of feudal lords. On the day of inheriting a title, it is precisely when filial sons and grandsons feel increased sorrow and grief; this is not an occasion for rites. To call it merely the bestowal of a royal command, and after the envoy has already departed, to refer to receiving the 醴 as accepting divine blessing, would also be inappropriate at a time meant for offerings or mourning. According to the precedent of bestowing the title of Jibei Wang upon Prince Zhi, son of Chen Si, this also differs from current practice. It still required that the king complete the act of receiving and not tasting the 醴 before the envoy could depart. Now, according to Zheng Xuan's interpretation, the act of presenting 醴 upon ascending the throne completes the rite. This is still better than having the envoy depart without offering food or sacrifices and only performing the act of receiving 醽; however, I still consider this inconsistent with the true spirit of rites. Nowadays, when the imperial court bestows titles upon the successors of feudal lords in the capital, there is no occasion for receiving 醽. "The Son of Heaven grants caps and ceremonial robes to feudal lords and high-ranking officials at the Grand Ancestral Temple. Upon returning, they set up sacrificial offerings and wear the bestowed attire; in this case, there is a capping ceremony with an offering of wine (jiao), but no capping rite involving 醽." This refers to the case where feudal lords and high-ranking officials receive their ceremonial robes from the Son of Heaven at the imperial ancestral temple in a state of normal auspiciousness. Upon returning, they offer sacrifices at their own temples, wear the bestowed attire, and then partake in the capping rite with 醽. Following this precedent, after the envoy has departed, the official should still wear his ceremonial attire, set up an offering, and make a report. Moreover, according to rites, one may partake of the 醽 only after performing the Xiao Xiang sacrifice. This is a personal offering at their ancestral temple and not an act involving the royal command. If, according to rites, no 醽 is consumed, then after making the offering and returning to mourning attire, one returns to position and weeps—this conforms both to ritual propriety and human sentiment." The imperial decree followed this recommendation.

6 王侯在喪... :
高堂隆議拜受儀:「按舊典,天子遣使者齎車服策命命諸侯嗣位之禮:上卿為使者,嗣君遣上卿吉服迎於境,自吉服勞於郊,館宗廟,致飧餼,告期日,受命於祖廟。設喪主,布几筵於戶牖之前。命車設於庭,西上,安車駟馬皆在其車之東。使者奉策服印綬,加設版策于其上,升自西階,東面。內史在右。嗣君端委以入,升自阼階,西面立。使者以皇帝命命冕,內史贊之。嗣君降於兩階間,北面再拜稽首。使者宣命曰:『無下拜。』嗣君升,成拜。內史加詔版策命於服上以東。嗣君進而西,迓受於兩楹間。皆旋復位。嗣君釋端委服,降,升,成拜如初。使者降出,升車。嗣君拜送於門外。修享贈餞之禮。使歸,嗣君送至於境。嗣君釋冕,服素弁葛環縗絰●昌氏反袂,修奠祭之禮,告於殯宮訖,乃釋弁絰,反喪服。此其大略也,其他則同之。」
Gao Tanglong discussed the ceremony for accepting an investiture: "According to old precedents, when the Son of Heaven sent envoys carrying carriages, ceremonial robes, and written decrees to bestow titles upon successors of feudal lords: a high-ranking official was appointed as envoy. The heir ruler would send a senior minister in ceremonial attire to meet them at the border; he would then greet them with auspicious attire at the suburbs, house them in ancestral temple lodgings, offer meals and gifts, announce the schedule, and receive the mandate at the ancestral temple. A mourning master was appointed, and mats and tables were arranged in front of the door and window. The ceremonial carriage was placed in the courtyard, facing westward; the four-horse chariot and its horses were all positioned to the east of it. The envoy, holding the decree, ceremonial attire, seals, and sashes, placed a wooden tablet with the written mandate on top. He ascended from the western steps and faced eastward. The Minister of Internal Affairs stood to his right. The heir ruler, dressed in formal ceremonial attire, entered and ascended from the main eastern steps, standing facing westward. The envoy conferred the cap of rank upon him in the name of the emperor; the Minister of Internal Affairs assisted and guided the ceremony. The heir ruler descended to between the two steps, faced northward, and performed a double bow with forehead touching the ground in deep reverence. The envoy announced the decree: "You need not prostrate yourself." The heir ruler ascended and completed his bow. The Minister of Internal Affairs placed the wooden tablet with the imperial decree on top of the ceremonial attire to the east side. The heir ruler advanced westward and received it between the two pillars. They all turned around and returned to their positions. lodash The heir ruler removed his ceremonial attire, descended, ascended again, and completed the bow as before. The envoy descended and exited, then climbed into the carriage. The heir ruler bowed in farewell at the gate outside. He observed the rites of offering sacrifices and presenting gifts as parting farewells. The envoy departed, and the heir ruler accompanied him to the border. The heir ruler removed the cap of rank, donned a plain hemp cap with bamboo ring, coarse mourning clothes and cords●Chang Shi Fan sleeves, observed the rites of sacrificial offerings, and made announcements at the funeral hall. After completing these rituals, he removed his cap and cords and resumed wearing full mourning attire. This outlines its general procedures; other details are the same."

7 王侯在喪... :
大唐武德二年正月,尚書左丞崔善為奏曰:「欲求忠臣,必於孝子。比為時多金革,頗遵墨絰之義,丁憂之士,例從起復,無識之輩,不復戚容。如不糾劾,恐傷風俗。」制曰:「文官遭父母喪,聽去職。」
In the first month of Wu De second year of the Great Tang, Cui Shanwei, Left Vice Minister of Rites, submitted a memorial saying: "If one wishes to find loyal ministers, they must be found among filial sons. In recent times, due to frequent wars and military campaigns, people have somewhat followed the principle of mourning with black cords. Those in mourning for their parents are generally recalled from retirement; however, those without virtue no longer display expressions of grief. If we do not investigate and punish such behavior, it may harm the customs and morals." The imperial decree stated: "Civil officials who suffer the death of their parents are allowed to resign from office."

8 王侯在喪... :
調露二年,中書舍人歐陽通起復本官。每入朝,必徒跣,至城門外,然後著闪陉而朝。直宿在省,則席地藉斓。非公事不言,亦未啟齒。歸必縗絰,號慟無恆。國朝奪情者多矣,唯通能合典禮。
In Diaolu second year, Ouyang Tong, a secretary in the Secretariat, was recalled from mourning and restored to his former post. Each time he entered court, he would walk barefoot until outside the city gate, then put on sandals before proceeding to attend court. When staying overnight in the ministry for duty, he slept directly on the ground with only a mat as padding. He remained silent unless it was about official business and did not even open his mouth to speak otherwise. When returning home, he always wore mourning clothes and wailed in grief without restraint. Many officials of our dynasty have been recalled from mourning, but only Tong was able to conform to the rites and regulations.

9 王侯在喪... :
武太后長安三年正月,敕:「三年之喪,自非從軍更籍者,不得輒奏起復。」
In the first month of Chang'an third year under Empress Wu, an imperial decree was issued: "The three-year mourning period must be observed; unless one is enlisted in the military or has changed their status through service, no one may arbitrarily request to be recalled from mourning."

10 王侯在喪... :
至廣德二年三月,敕:「三年之喪,謂之達禮。自非金革,不可從權。其文官自今以後,並許終制,一切不得輒有奏請。」
By the third month of Guangde second year, an imperial decree stated: "The three-year mourning period is considered the ultimate expression of ritual propriety. Unless it involves war or military service, one cannot make exceptions." Therefore, from now on, civil officials must be allowed to complete the full mourning period; no one is permitted to submit requests for recall without authorization."

URN: ctp:tongdian/72